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The things time finds hard to take away

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Friendships, gentleness and humanity had only matured since '1983': we were one then and one we remain.
A senior Army officer told me a story about recruitment once.  He said he would ask any candidate for any job a few questions.  Among them, he said, were the following two:

‘What was the first job your father did?’ was followed by ‘What does he do now, or if he doesn’t work now what was his last job?’

Strange questions.  He had his reasons, though.

‘If a man begins life as a cleaner in a bus and ends also as a cleaner, then it means he is incapable of bettering his circumstances.  In general, sons follow their fathers.  I would be reluctant to hire such a man.’

I assumed he was talking about parents and children and not fathers and sons.  If it was a mere matter of material advancement then it would seem unfair.  Not all wealthy people were born into wealthy families, after all. 

The officer was talking of attitude.  Even then, there are probably many examples of industrious men and women who were born to vagrant fathers and mothers.    

He explained further: ‘People change very little in a lifetime.  They may accumulate wealth and improve considerably their standing in society, but their core compulsions don’t change by much.  By way of elaboration he said, ‘It may happen in the rare case, but in general attitudes and valuesr remain pretty much the same. If that were not the case, then the matter of entering the right path and achieving Enlightenment wouldn’t take so long that we had to talk of the saaraa saankhya kalpa lakshaya.’

Even for the Buddha, it is said, it took countless lifetimes before the final bhava in which he discovered the Four Noble Truths and eventually reached a place devoid of all the suffering associated with the birth-death-birth continuum.     

The Army officer, perhaps, was working with a small margin for error.  Everyone has recruitment theories, everyone who has to recruit has the challenge of picking among the equally qualified.  Everyone has rules of thumb.  The officer claimed that his was a time-tested method.  

The story reminded me of an incident that took place two years ago at Royal College.  Old boys of the Group of 83 had planned a grand reunion one Saturday evening.  It was to be grand because this was the year that the ‘boys’ turned 50.  What was even more special about this reunion was that some 30 ‘boys’ who had studied in the Tamil medium and who, apart from one person, lived abroad, had planned to attend it. 

This is how it happened.  The Tamil medium old boys had been planning a reunion of their classes.  Some, who lived in North America, wanted to have it in Canada.  Those who lived ‘down under’ wanted to do it in Australia.  A neutral venue was proposed.  Bali.  Then Raj Rajadurai, who although domiciled in Australia, has been visiting Sri Lanka almost every year, had suggested the following: ‘let’s meet in the land of our birth.’  And so they came.

It was special.  The Group, as the name suggests, is made of those who sat their A/Ls in 1983.  There are many ways to describe 1983.  The following would work as well: “It is a year that fractured the nation or rather saw cinders hidden by hastily strewn ash of multiple histories suddenly burst out as flames.”

Almost all those who had studied in the Tamil medium left the country and restarted lives in all parts of the world.  The war, hurt, fear and for other reasons including bad timing resulted in them not attending the annual ‘stag’.  But this year, they had come.  

And so, on the day before the event, someone sent out a message on a whim: ‘Let’s meet Saturday morning under the tamarind trees and play cricket.’

Almost fifty people turned up, including most of the Tamil medium ‘boys’.  Some of them were visiting Sri Lanka for the first time in 32 years.  Most of them were meeting their Sinhala and English Medium brethren after decades.  

A lot has happened in the interim but friendships and familiarity surprisingly had not suffered one scratch.  What’s pertinent to our story, however, is the cricket match.  

Those who wanted to play, were selected into two teams by two captains randomly appointed by the crowd that had gathered.  Like always, some preferred to watch.  Others preferred to ignore the cricket and indulged in other entertainment.   

Out there in the middle, ‘boys’ who were fifty were trying to be boys who were 15.  The pace was just not there; the heart was though.  And minds it seemed had neither evolved nor degenerated.  

Those who loved to bat, tried to retain strike.  Those who were bad fielders hadn’t improved.  Those who were too lazy to run after the ball, didn’t. And that was not because of age.  Those who used to be competitive, remained so.  Those who just didn’t care about the result, were as uncaring.  

Off the field, those who loved to relate dirty jokes regaled their friends as they had always done.  The quiet ones were quiet.  

It was as though people, at 50, had turned into schoolboys, although with less hair and more belly.  A lovely time, by all accounts.  

Bottom line: people hadn’t changed much. Really.  The Army officer may have had a point.  



Dr Panduka Karunanayake: celebrator of the collective

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Prof Carlo Fonseka and I don’t see eye-to-eye on many things.  I respect him a lot, however. Prof Fonseka, for his part, has said on more than one occasion, in his caustic way, that he reads my articles for style rather than content.  

A few weeks ago, we happened to be sitting next to each other.  It was at the induction ceremony of the new President of the Ceylon College of Physicians, Dr Panduka Karunanayake.  It was a gathering of the tribe but a few of us who knew next to nothing about medicine were privileged invitees on account of being Panduka’s school friends.  I felt I had to explain my presence to Carlo.

‘Panduka and I were in the same class. He is an amazing person and a man of absolute integrity,’ I said.  

‘I taught him. He was an excellent student,’ Carlo responded.  

Panduka delivered a wonderful ‘acceptance speech’ in which he spoke about the history of the College and also the moral, academic and and professional challenges of the times.  It was not the first time I had heard him talk about such things.  The sentiments were quite apparent when we were senior students at Royal and more recently when I succeeded in persuading him to write on the ethics involved in clinical research for the now defunct ‘The Nation’.   

We were in the same from Grade 2 to Grade 4.  We weren’t ‘best friends’ then.  In fact that is a term that I’ve never really understood.  We were friends and knew of each other’s existence.  Towards the latter part of our schooldays I knew him as an excellent athlete and a very good student and later still, as prefects, I came to appreciate him for his principles and values.  I admired him and still consider him to be one of the best writers in our batch (along with Kanishka Goonewardena and Rajiv Weerasundera) and one of the best human beings as well. 

In the lower grades I remember Panduka as one of the two best artists in our class. The other was a boy named Jagath Bandara Wijekoon. I have no idea what happened to him and neither does Panduka, except that he lived down Pagoda Road back then.  All I remember is that Jagath was dark whereas Panduka was fair.  Jagath used hard lines in his art.  Panduka’s lines were soft.  Jagath’s drawings were stark, Panduka’s were detailed.  He captured ‘movement’ whereas Jagath was more about depicting the still.  I still remember an art assignment where we had to draw a ‘pola’ or fair.  I don’t know what Jagath drew and I can’t remember what I came up with, but Panduka’s submission felt ‘alive’.  


Panduka (extreme right), yet to receive the baton from Sanjiv Gunasekara. 
He would help Royal win this 4x100 relay at what he believes was the 
Colombo South Zonal meet, probably in 1981.

I haven’t seen Panduka run.  All I know is that he won College and Public School colours and that he declined the opportunity to captain the Royal College Athletics team as did others such as Ramli Mohammed and Roshan Askey, with the late Suraj De Silva having the captaincy conferred upon him by default.  All this I learned much later and I assumed it has something to do with a need to focus on his studies.  

Our paths crossed though.  We were both prefects and had occasion to talk and discuss things in the prefects’ room.  I remember two conversations although I can’t recall which came first; the order, anyway, is of no consequence.

He mentioned that he had gone to see the film ‘Reds.’  I didn’t know what it was all about, but I assumed it was some anti-socialist affair.  I said so.  I remember Panduka’s response which, translated into English, went something like this: ‘This is the problem.  Socialists like you haven’t seen it, but capitalists like me have.’  He laughed and went on to talk about the great performance by Warren Beatty as Jack Reed in a narrative drawn from Reed’s classic account of the Russian Revolution, ‘Ten Days that Shook the World.’


I don’t know if Panduka still thinks of himself as a capitalism or a right-winger.  This doctor decided to study sociology though and profit certainly doesn’t seem to figure prominently in his life.  He knows films, though.  He also reads.  He appreciates music and song.  This I found out later. 

The only ‘literary’ encounter I had with him was way back in 1984.  The Prefects’ Room had a blackboard which was rarely used.  I had written down a quote by the German writer and statesman, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (who I knew only as ‘Goethe’ back then).  This was the line: ‘The act is all, the reputation nothing.’

Panduka, seeing this, made a grammar point: ‘If you use “all” then it should be “none”; or else you should use “everything,” which would make “nothing” appropriate.’

At the time he probably did not know that there was a thing called ‘poetic license’ and that sometimes it sounds better when grammar rules are tweaked or even broken.  At the time I didn’t know either.  Neither had I read how ‘bad’ Shakespeare’s English was and how those ‘errors’ and other literary twists became part of the language.  I didn’t have a response so we left it at that.  I gathered, though, that consistency mattered to Panduka.

He was in the science stream, I was in Mathematics but had decided to switch to Arts.  On one occasion, in the midst of a discussion with the Vice Principle, E.C. ‘Kataya’ Gunasekara, Panduka offered, ‘nothing is impossible, sir.’  I still remember Kataya responding in general to the issue at hand and adding the following comment at the end: ‘try putting back toothpaste into the tube…to respond to what you said about impossibility.’

As prefects we had greater margins for errors in Kataya’s presence, but we were nevertheless wary. We were also respectful.  I don’t what was going through Panduka’s mind, but he didn’t respond.  I am pretty sure he could have come up with an answer.  

Several decades later, Panduka got me to serve for a while in the Ethics Committee at the Medical Faculty, Colombo University.  I told him that I know nothing of medicine.  He insisted, explaining that sometimes the social element in research is neglected or missed altogether and therefore some input would be useful.  I attended a few meetings but circumstances didn’t permit me to continue.  Panduka didn’t express disappointment.  

I also remember him calling me just after the results of the 2015 Presidential Election was announced.  I didn’t ask him what prompted him to call and ask me ‘are you ok?’ but I think I know why.  That’s not relevant here.  I do remember what he did say.  I am paraphrasing.

‘It is only now that the true value of the things you’ve written several years ago is apparent.  Had they listened, things would have been different.’

I was humbled that Panduka had actually read things I had written, busy man that he is.  

Our last conversation took place in the form of an email exchange.  I had told him, after attending his induction, that I wanted the text of his speech.  He truncated it into 1,500 words.  The Daily News published it (I failed to get the Sunday Island to carry it).  I also said that I wanted to write about him and asked him to send me pictures from his school days.  He obliged with the pictures but politely urged me not to write anything in newspapers.  ‘Blog is fine,’ he said ‘for like-minded people who would read and appreciate.’  He expressed the fear that a newspaper article about him would make him 'drop dead with embarrassment.’

His explanation tells more about Panduka than I can ever describe.    

“I am uncomfortable with the idea of a newspaper article that features me directly. You know me - I hate the limelight. The article that you wrote about me, Rajiv and Kanishka was nice and sweet, and everybody I know liked it. I liked it too. In it I was featured at a tangent and peripheral to the point you were making (writers in other professions). That was great.

“What I can do, and what I would like you to do, is to feature the work that the Ceylon College of Physicians does. Obviously, I have only just started my year, so let's write something when we have something to show - I will contact you, or even write something and send you.

“In the meantime, I have updated the CCP website (ccp.lk). The important point is that the CCP and other medical professional colleges like it (probably around 40-50) are entirely voluntary organizations run by doctors, with funding they get through their professional influence, but use it for this instead of private foreign trips, new tyres for the car, etc. Certainly, these help people like me to boost our ego and become famous and 'noble', but at least it is not through tamashas, TV shows and publishing coffee table books on oneself etc.

“These efforts are what keeps medicine in SL up to date in both state and private sectors, and trains our future specialists. It's not an easy task; it should be done (or at least funded) by the state but is not done by it, it is not required in our job description and in fact doing this work delays our individual career progression and promotion.

“In a country where politicos and trade unions are all-powerful, we (although experts in the fields) are sidelined with cynicism and used as cats' paws. It is easy to 'make it' by knowing the minister or TU bigwig, and impossible to do so by doing the right thing by society. Yet we do just that. The media can do a lot to let people know about this - but instead they bash us for what TUs do.

“I hope you can find in this a thread that you would like to take up. But that should be a thread that celebrates collectivism, not individualism. Groups, not persons. Or at least, not me as a person.”

Panduka Karunanayake was and is about everyone.  That’s it.

A new challenge, another baton, another lap to run...

ලාස්ට් මෑන් හැව් චාන්ස්

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පොඩි කාලේ ක්‍රිකට් ගහද්දි මැච් එක පටන්ගන්න ඉස්සෙල්ල සමහර දවස්වල පොඩි අග්‍රීමන්ට් එකකට එන්න වෙනවා. ලාස්ට් මෑන් හැව් චාන්ස් ද නැත්තම් ලාස්ට් මෑන් නෝ චාන්ස් ද කියල.  කට්ටිය අඩු නම් නැත්තම් ඉන්නේ ඔත්තේ සංඛ්‍යාවක් නම් සාමාන්‍යයෙන් 'ලාස්ට් මෑන් හැව් චාන්ස්'කියල පිල් දෙක තීන්දු කරනවා.  

එහෙම තීන්දු කරාට පස්සේ තවත් කාරණයක් සාකච්ඡා වෙනවා.  ඒ ලාස්ට් මෑන් ට අදාලව 'රන් අවුට්'ගැන.  රනින් විකට් ද නැත්තම් එනි විකට් ද කියල.  

මැච් එකේ තත්ත්වෙ අනුව ලාස්ට් මෑන් ගේ භූමිකාව තීරණාත්මක වෙන්න පුළුවන්.  කණ්ඩායම් ක්‍රීඩාවක් නිසා හැමෝගෙම දායකත්වය වැදගත් වෙනවා.  විශේෂයෙන්ම ඉදිරි පෙළ පිතිකරුවෝ හොඳට ක්‍රීඩා කරනවා නම් ලාස්ට් මෑන්ලා බින්දුවට අවුට් වුනත් ගානක් නැහැ. ක්‍රිකට් වල'ලාස්ට් මෑන් හැව් චාන්ස්'වැදගත් වෙන්නේ ඉදිරි පෙළ පිතිකරුවෝ අසාර්ථක වෙනකොටයි.  ලාස්ට් මෑන් ල සමහර තරග ගොඩ දාල දෙන අවස්ථා නැතුව නෙවෙයි. ඒත් කලාතුරකින්.

ක්‍රිකට් වල එහෙම වුනාට දේශපාලයේ ලාස්ට් මෑන්ලා වෙනස්.  කෙනෙක් 'ලාස්ට් මෑන්'නැත්තම් 'ලාස්ට් වුමන්'වෙන්නේ දේශපාලන හිතවතුන් එයාලව අතහැරියට පස්සේ. නැත්තම් හැමෝම ඝාතනය වුනාට පස්සේ. එහෙමත් නැත්තම් හැමෝම විකිණුනාට පස්සේ.  ලාස්ට් මෑන් හෝ ලාස්ට් වුමන් වෙන්නේ මතයක්, දැක්මක් නැත්තම් යම්කිසි දේශපාලන ඉලක්කයක් වෙනුවෙන් අන්තිම මොහොත දක්වාම සටන අතහරින්නේ නැති අය. තර්ජන, පීඩා වගේම අවලාද ද ඉවසගෙන ඉන්න බැරි අයට ලාස්ට් මෑන්/වුමන් වෙන්න බැහැ.

ලාස්ට් මෑන්/වුමන්ලත් අවුට් වෙනවා, ඇත්ත.  ඒත් අවුට් වෙනකන් දැඩි අධිෂ්ටානයකින් සියලු තත්ත්වයන් වලට මුහුණ දීම ම ජයග්‍රහණයක්.  පරාජයක් වගේ පෙනුනත්, අවුට් වුනත්, නොබියව සටන තුල සිටීම ත් ලොකු දෙයක්.  මැච් එක පැරදුනත් සීරීස් එක දිනන්න බැරි නැහැ.     

විද්‍යාවේ සීමා පුළුල් කරපු හැමෝම එක්තරා ආකාරයක ලාස්ට් මෑන්/වුමන්ලා.  ඕනෑම ක්ෂේත්‍රයක ට අලුත් දෙයක් එකතු කරලා ඇත්තේ බොහෝ අවස්ථා වලදී ලාස්ට් මෑන්/වුමන්ලා.   

'ලාස්ට් මෑන් නෝ චාන්ස්'කියන්නේ කණ්ඩායම් දෙකක් එළඹෙන පොදු තීන්දුවකට ම නෙවෙයි.  සාමාන්‍යයෙන් ප්‍රධාන ප්‍රවාහය හරියි, ඒක වෙනස් කරන්නම බැහැ යි කියල ඒත්තු ගන්නන්න හදන අය කියන නැත්තම් නොකියා කියන දෙයක්.  

කියන්නේ නැත්තම් නොකියා කියන්නේ මේ වගේ දෙයක්: 'ඔය සටන අත්හරින්න. ඕක පරදින සටනක්. ඕව කරලා හරියන්නේ නැහැ.  ඔහොම කරලා හරි ගිය කෙනෙක් නැහැ.  ඕව විකාර වැඩ. පිස්සු වැඩ.  පිස්සෙක් වෙන්න එපා.  ඔය නාඩගම නවත්තපන්.  අනිත් හැමෝටම හොඳ නම් තොටත් හොඳ වෙන්න ඕන.'  

ඒ කියන්නේ 'අවුට් වෙයන්'නැත්තම් 'තරඟය අතහැරපන්'කියල.  ලාස්ට් මෑන්ට චාන්ස් තිබුනත් නෑ වගේ.  ඒ විතරක් නෙවෙයි, ෆස්ට් මෑන්ටත් ඇත්තටම 'නො චාන්ස්'කියන එක.  

ප්‍රතිවාදියා ඔහොම් කියන එක සාමාන්‍ය දෙයක්. ඒත් සමහර අවස්ථා වලදී තමන්ගේ පිලේ අයත් කියනවා.  ඒත් බරපතලම තත්ත්වය තමයි තමන් ම තමන්ට ඔය බොරුව කියන එක.  ඒ කියන්නේ චාන්ස් තිබ්බත් නැතත්, ලාස්ට් මෑන්/වුමන් වුනත් නැතත් 'නො චාන්ස්'මාසසිකත්වයක් ඇති කරන එක.  

ඒත් ප්‍රබලයි කියන, ඉදිරි පෙළේ කියන, ප්‍රවීනයි කියන පිතිකරුවන්ට වැඩිය ගුණයක් ලාස්ට් මෑන්/වුමන් ට තියෙනවා.  එයාගේ වැරැද්දකින් මිස වෙන කාටවත් එයාව රනවුට් කරන්න බැහැ.  කකුල පැටලිලා රනවුට් වෙන්න පුළුවන්.  පන්දුරකින්නව අවතක්සේරු කරපු නිසා රනවුට් වෙන්න පුළුවන්. කණ්ඩායමක්, සමූහයක් අවශ්‍ය නැහැ කියනවා නෙවෙයි, ඒත් 'ලාස්ට් මෑන්/වුමන්'තත්වයකට ආසන්න වෙද්දී කණ්ඩායමක් කියල දෙයක් නැති වුනත් සමූහය වෙනුවෙන් සටන් වදින ලාස්ට් මෑන්/වුමන්ලා විරලයි.  සුවිශේෂයි.  

එවැනි ලාස්ට් මෑන්ලා හෝ ලාස්ට් වුමන්ලා චාන්ස් දෙනව මිසක් චාන්ස් ඩැහැගන්නේ වත්, ඉතුරු කරගන්නේ වත් නැහැ.  බොහෝ අවස්ථාවල සමූහයට චාන්ස් එකක් තියෙනවා නම් තියෙන්නේ ලාස්ට් මෑන්ලා හෝ ලාස්ට් වුමන්ලා ට චාන්ස් තියෙන නිසා. නැත්තම් දැඩි අධිෂ්ටානයෙන් චාන්ස් නිර්මාණය කරන නිසා.


‘Independence’ and the need to be like Keppetipola

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Painting by Prasanna Weerakkody

In 2002 when the United National Party (UNP) was briefly in power there were plans to celebrate, yes ‘celebrate’ (!) the 500th anniversary of the Portuguese arrival in the island. It was as though that party had no notion whatsoever about about the relevant history. 

Those plans were scuttled when the UNP was defeated in 2004 April, but this ‘project’ was a blessing in disguise.  It spurred professionals and scholars to delve into this ‘Portuguese Encounter.’  A conference by that name was jointly organized by the Sri Lanka Association for the Advancement of Science, the Royal Asiatic Society and the Archaeological Society.  Records of Purtuegese writers such as Queyroz, Trinidade, Perniola, Barros and do Couto as well as the Sandesa poems and other works in Sinhala were perused meticulously.  Dr Susantha Goonatilake wrote a book titled ‘The Portuguese presence in Sri Lanka.’  He could have called it ‘Portuguese Butchery’ or given some other title that reflected the truth of that particular colonial encounter.  That’s another story, however, 

Sixteen years later, we have another UNP Government is reported to have invited as the Chief Guest for Sri Lanka’s 70th Independence Day celebration Prince Edward, who would be representing his mother, Queen Elizabeth II.  Clearly this was in agreement with President Maithripala Sirisena who is the leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party.

Interestingly, the year 2018 marks another anniversary.  It is 200 years since the great Uva-Wellassa uprising.  On December 8, 2016 President Sirisena declared as national heroes the 81 leaders of the rebellion who were branded as traitors by the British.

It is good to remind ourselves about what happened in 1818.  The British issued a gazette notification [No. 6 of 1817] announcing that a reward of two thousand Rix dollars would be awarded for the head of each rebel leader.  They set fire to villages, crops and livestock.  They massacred all males above the age of 18 in Uva-Wellassa.  They had to bring in troops from India to put down the rebellion.  The leaders were branded traitors and beheaded or exiled.   

In a way it is appropriate that this Government has invited Prince Edward for the Independence Day celebrations.  After all, it was ‘Independence but under the Crown’ that was ‘given’.  It was on May 22, 1972 that true political independence was obtained and Sri Lanka became a Republic.  

And yet, we don’t talk of 1818.  Instead we are told (in comparison to the independence secured by India, for example) that ours was won ‘without a single drop of blood being shed!’  That’s how history gets written.  There’s very little or nothing about the 1818 rebellion, nothing of the 1848 rebellion, nothing of the countless acts of objection and resistance from 1815 to 1948 and nothing of how the people tenaciously protected their culture, philosophies, ways of life and related literatures.  We are taught mostly about the agitations that secured bits and pieces of constitutional guarantees. Crumbs, really.  

So what is it with our leaders?  Why this fascination with Royalty? Why this aversion to celebrating those who would not be slaves of British imperialism?  Why this forgetting? 

True power lies in making others inhabit your version of their reality, as Philip Gurevich observed in his classic, ‘We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed With Our Families: Stories from Rwanda.’  Is this what has happened?  Which version of ‘independence’ and which version of ‘history’ are we celebrating here?  

We remember 1948 but have forgotten 1848. We are fascinated by the number 70 but have forgotten the number 200. We remember Prince Edward, but have forgotten Keppetipola Maha Disawe.

Is it something to do with remembering better the recent because the further you go back in history the foggier the narrative is?  Well, the narrative is not blurred. It is clear. It is bloody and too full of blood and humiliation to be easily erased.  

The year 1918 is remembered in certain quarters and certain times.  I remember a particular commemoration which, interestingly took place on an Independence Day.  This was in 2011.  It was in a small village called Kudamaduwa located off the Piliyandala-Kottawa Road.  That day, in the village temple, ‘Independence Day’ was celebrated by remembering Keppitipola.

The following are some lines I wrote on that event [read 'How Keppetipola framed Independence Day'].  

The organizers made a claim: 

‘This cool breeze is the life-breath of our heroes, the sweet sounds of nation is the cry of their glory, the precious stones embedded deep in our soils are the congealed drops of blood they shed for nation, civilization and citizen.  The organizers posed a question: do you belong to that tradition and civilization, and are you of that blood?  The organizers made a proposal: let us be like Keppetipola.’

Who was Keppitipola? He is remembered by some as a villain and others as a hero, because he first sided with the British and later broke ranks with them, joining Pilimatalawa and the other rebels after handing over arms and ammunition to the British Governor because he ‘did not want to destroy them with their own weapons.’  

What he did was to unshackle himself from mental slavery, as the song by Bob Marley has it.  He remembered history (perhaps late, admittedly) and drew strength from it.  He failed, but even at his execution he would not be colonized. 

Legend has it that Madugalle's last request was the opportunity to recite the namaskaaraya three times before the Dalada Wahanse.  Apparently the executioner’s heart had failed and his hand had trembled.  His strike did not find intended target and Madugalle, wounded, had to tutor his executioner, so the story goes.

They failed, but their lives powered other struggles. They were part, then, of every success great and small.  They helped make 1948 possible. It was not only the executioners that they tutored, clearly.  Some, clearly, will not or cannot learn.

The 4th day of February is a wrong day to begin with.  The 70th Independence Day celebration is not being held in the Uva-Wellassa.  The families of the 81 leaders of the 1818 rebellion who were officially vilified for 198 years have not been invited.   Instead we have Prince Edward gracing the occasion.  

It is as though the UNP and SLFP are made of every single act of acquiescence and shame that allowed the British to plunder the island’s resources and keep the people enslaved.  

Whether or not we remember Keppetipola and the thousands murdered in 1918, it is clear there’s a lot of work to be done before we can celebrated ‘Independence.’   We can start by refusing to celebrate a lie and a travesty of justice.  The least we can do is to tell ourselves that those who pretend to sleep will not be awoken.  The pretend-slumberers in this instance are the UNP and SLFP.  


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Malinda Seneviratne is a freelance writer. 
malindasenevi@gmail.com

Ranil and Maithri: Vassals of the Empire

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The 'Welcome Committee of British Royals'
The Foreign Affairs Ministry and the British High Commission declared in a joint statement released on Friday (February 2, 2018) that a document offering ‘Royal Etiquette Guidelines’ circulated by an entity calling itself ‘Welcome Committee of British Royals’ is false.  Both parties stated that neither had set up any such committee.  It was headlined in a news report thus: Ministry says no ‘Welcome Committee of British Royals.’

The document, signed by one D.F.P. De Mel, sets out what people should and should not do as per ‘The Royal Etiquette Ordinance,’ explaining that although full independence was obtained in 1972, certain laws were not changed to suit the new circumstances and therefore still hold. 

The truth is that there is no such Ordinance.  Even if one were not an expert on constitutional matters, the said guidelines themselves indicate that the document is a hoax.  For example, it states that mobile phones should be switched off at all times.  A dead giveaway, that.  

Perhaps it is because the rest of the guidelines seem plausible enough that the document has had so much carry, especially in social media where it has gone viral.  The impact can be ascertained by the fact that the High Commission and the Ministry had to come out and rubbish the document.  

On the other hand, one might argue that it was something more than the plausibility that is at work here.  One might say, for example, that it is the behavior of the current regime that has buttressed the believability factor.  In short, the deference and even servility shown by the regime to the West and to Royalty in particular give credence to what is a clever and yet carelessly crafted spoof. 

Let’s begin with Ranil Wickremesinghe.  When he was briefly the Prime Minister of the country in the early days of this millennium, Wickremesinghe planned to celebrate the 500th anniversary of the Portuguese arrival on the shores of this island.  Celebrate?  Yes, ‘celebrate’.  Now only someone who has internalized oppression to the point of celebrating his or her condition could think of something like that.  

For years, he bashed the previous regime for its relationship with China.  He bet on the West.  He was slave to the USA and the UK.  Until ‘Brexit’ floored him.  Suddenly he said ‘We are looking East’.  Now even an A/L student who knows anything about the global economy would know where economic power lies. China and Japan own North American and European debt.  You don’t beg money from a beggar, but that’s exactly what our Economic Genius did.  Why?  Because that’s his upbringing.  The slavish mind that says ‘Anything White is good,’ that says ‘The Old Colonial Masters cannot do wrong,’ and says ‘I will inhabit their version of my reality.’

That’s Ranil Wickremesinghe.  How about Maithripala Sirisena?  

Well, he’s the man who went ga-ga when he visited England.  He bragged about going to Downing Street.  He bragged that the Queen offered him her hand (I mean, to ‘shake’), after removing the glove, no less!  To be thrilled enough to think that diplomatic protocol is ‘acceptance,’ is the true mark of a servile ‘native’.  

The only difference is that Maithripala is a redda-baniyama vassal whereas Wickremesinghe is a tie-coat slave.  Either way, it makes perfect sense for them to fete Royalty.

How else can one explain that neither seem to have remembered that this year marks the 200th anniversary of the Uva-Wellassa massacre by British forces?  How else can we explain the fact that they’ve decided (jointly, obviously) to invite the Queen’s youngest son, Edward, to grace (!) the occasion of the 70th anniversary of Independence?  [For elaboration, read'Independence and the need to be like Keppetipola']

So, yes, the High Commission and the Ministry are correct; it is a false document.  There is no such thing as a ‘Royal Etiquette Guidelines’ and there’s no ‘Welcome Committee of British Royals.’  Not on paper, certainly.

But no, they are wrong. There IS a ‘Welcome Committee of British Royals.’  It is a two-man committee made of President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.  There IS a set of guidelines pertaining to ‘Royal Etiquette’ but it is wider and far more pernicious than the one signed by someone who calls him/herself D.L.F. De Mel.  Those guidelines are followed to the letter by these two.  Note what they have done and what they do and you’ll obtain the guidelines they follow.  

The High Commission and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs may have said ‘No, there’s no Welcome Committee of British Royals’ but the Prime Minister and President are emphatically countering this claim.  


Yes, there is a ‘Welcome Committee of British Royals,’ and there is a Guideline for Royal Etiquette.  Ranil Wickremesinghe and Maithripala Sirisena provide living proof of both.

And humility makes the world more tender

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There was a day in the year 1979 that broke my heart.  It was a day on which the hearts of many Royalists, young and old, were broken.  It was on the third day of the Centenary Encounter between Royal and St Thomas’.  

Royal, led by Ranjan Madugalle, were clearly the strong team and by tea the match was all but over. St Thomas’ were struggling with two wickets left in hand and still six runs to get in order to avoid an innings defeat.  Mahinda Halangoda (70*) ably supported by Chandi Richards batted out the final session denying Royal.  

Cricket won, but that’s hardly consolation for a young schoolboy.  Consolation would come later with subsequent victories of course, but that denial in the Centenary lasted for more than thirty years.  It was finally laid to rest, ironically, by Mahinda Halangoda.  

It happened a few years ago.  I got a call from my schoolmate Sampath Agalawatte, better known in Rugby circles although he would have certainly played for Royal as a wicket-keeper had he continued to play cricket.  Sampath wanted me to talk to his business associate, Halangoda.  Halangoda wanted me to write something about the Royal-Thomian One Day Encounter.  

I told him that I would love to interview him and write about his heroics in the Centenary.  His response was epic: ‘People have written about that match and about how I played, but that’s not important.  There were other great performances.  Gamini Perera in 1992 for example and of course what Fahim Saleem and Nirushan Raveenthiraraja did in 2009.  This is about the One Day series.’

He was correct. 

I remembered the 1992 encounter.  At the end of the second day Royal were 53 for 4.  Incarcerated in an office that belonged to the security establishment of the time in Longdon Place, I expected to open the Sunday papers to bad news only to find that Gamini Perera had scored an epic 144, allowing Royal to score 351 and set the Thomians an improbable target of 168 in 14 overs.

I had watched how Saleem and Raveenthiraraja denied Royal in 2009.  After being bowled out for 99 in reply to Royal’s 313, these two gutty young boys batted for nine long hours. Saleem scored 165 runs while his skipper contributed an invaluable 104.  

In 2016, written off as underdogs and living up to that name at the SSC, Royal faced almost certain defeat.  However a 16 year old fresher, Pasindu Sooriyabandara cracked a century precipitating one of the greatest turnarounds in Royal-Thomian history.  Royal eventually ran out winners by four wickets.

I also remembered the game in 1976 when Ranjan Madugalle, then just 16, scored 70 odd runs to save the game after his team was tottering at 74/6 at Tea having to get 130 to avoid an innings defeat. 

That’s how it is.  Great efforts are eclipsed by other great efforts.  People remember Pasindu, but not Saleem and those who remember Saleem might not remember Gamini Perera. Some who were at the game when Perera saved the game for Royal might recall Halangoda’s heroics in 1979, but not all.  

Mahinda Halangoda didn’t play for Sri Lanka.  Neither did any of the batsmen mentioned above except Madugalle. Nevertheless they all gave something to the game and the spectators that was not just about cricket.  

‘It’s not about me,’ Halangoda said.  It was about the team, he would be the first to say.  It was not just that though.  It was about the game, of course.  And yet, there’s something more.  

Seeing Gamini Perera at a recent Royal-Thomian I told him how he made my day in ‘prison’ special way back in 1992, he just smiled.  

There’s something about great sportsmen and sportswomen.  Sure, they put up a show, but the bigger show is what they do.  Some do have fancy hairstyles and a certain swagger, yes, but that’s just dispensable frill.  Kumar Sangakkara and Mahela Jayawardena weren’t flashy but they entertained nevertheless.  Lasith Malinga played with his hair, yes, but that ‘flash’ is remembered because he worked tirelessly at his craft.  

Sachin Tendulkar was a poster boy not for looks or witty comment.  Virat Kohli talks in ways that Sachin never did, but he is heard more for what he does out there in the middle.  

Mahinda Halangoda erased a bad memory.  That was not his intention, but humility does things that the humble never intend or anticipate.  Maybe that’s how the world gets the tenderness that allows for the overcoming of setbacks, even tragedies.  


Sujeewa Pushpakumara Doloswala owns the local government

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Let’s get to the name and the man later.  Let’s begin with what this is all about.  Local Government.  Local government elections, that is.  In other words, municipal councils, urban councils and pradesheeya sabhas; all reduced, in the parlance of the political, to the gama or village.  

Whether it is a candidate or a party, a man or a woman, a seasoned politician or a newcomer, the (at this point) respectful request is ‘give me/us the gama.’  Respectful’ because the candidate and the party need the voter.  Once vote is cast it’s another story. We know that script too well to go over it.

There’s no ‘virgin gama’ any more; no self-contained, self-sufficient and internally coherent entity that is geographically describable.  People move.  They commute from gama to nagaraya for work.  It’s a small country after all.  They move out and settle elsewhere.  And the town enters the village in numerous ways too.  First there were newspapers, then radio and television and now smart phones and the internet.  And people who go out, either for employment or education, also come back and when they do, they have ‘town-stories’ to tell.  

So when people talk of ‘gama’ and local government authority as one and the same or use the former as a proxy for the latter, it’s a bit misleading if not promotion of a downright falsehood.  But these are do-gooder days and do-gooding (or promising to do-good) days.  They all want the villagers to come together and deliver the village to them.  ‘They’ as in politicians.  It’s essentially an ‘I am your savior’ kind of charade.   

As for the villagers, they are supposed to convince themselves that they are a bunch of impotent nincompoops who are all of a sudden offered the unexpected gift of having someone sort out their problems. 

But then again, there are villagers who know what’s what.  They know that it is best not to depend on anyone else simply because they’ve been lied to, hoodwinked and cheated time and again.

Sujeewa Pushpakumara Doloswala wasn’t thinking about such things.  He wanted a playground for the village.  It was not just him of course.  It’s a bunch of young people living in a village called Kudamaduwa, located between Piliyandala and Kottawa.  

For years, they had petitioned politicians to get them a piece of land which they could turn into a playground.  Politicians are full of promises and not just when there’s an election around the corner.  They were asked to identify a plot of state land.  There were none.

So they played in rubber estates and in the premises of the village templed.  They did not give up though.  

Finally, Sujeewas, known to all as Sujee, gathered everyone and said ‘let’s buy a piece of land.’  They went to the Chief Incumbent of the temple, Rev Kalawellaragama Chandananda Thero for guidance. The Thero advised them to go about it in a systematic way.  So a leaflet was printed and distributed.  Everyone in the village were summoned to the temple.  Not everyone came, but a considerable number did.  The old and the young, men and women, all came together.  

That was how the Kudamaduwa Sports Club came to be formed.  Office-bearers were elected.  They figured they would need around 6 million rupees to buy a piece of land that was suitable, a rubber estate.  They were around the village soliciting contributions. In the first round they managed to collect 20,000 rupees. Anyway, the owner decided he didn’t want to sell it.

Then one day, Indika, who looked after buffaloes in the village, told them of an abandoned paddy field that was up for sale.  However, the owner had been reluctant at first. 

‘So we went to meet him.  The office-bearers and the haamuduruwo.  There were issues with the property.  First, there was no access road.  The deeds weren’t clear.  There was no survey plan.  Tissa Mahattaya, the lawyer in our village, told us to get it surveyed and that he would thereafter get the legal aspects sorted out.  The haamuduruwo found a surveyor.  

‘We needed money, though.  So we went from door to door. Some people were suspicious, some scolded us, but the majority supported, especially those who weren’t very rich.’


It had been tough, Sujee explained.  On one occasion the Chief Minister had come and said he will give three million rupees.  

‘He asked us to stop collecting money.  Nothing happened.  We went to meet him with the hamuduruwo.  Finally one of his secretaries said ‘this won’t happen…you continue to raise funds the way you did before.’

It was a big blow.  It would be even tougher to go from house to house and ask people for money.  They didn’t give up though.  They finally purchased the piece of land.  Then they had to fill it.  This too they did, bit by bit.  They even purchased a strip of land so that an access round could be made.  They still had to construct a small bridge over a ditch.  This too cost them.  

Sujee and his friends organized a kite festival on two consecutive years.  The profits were channeled to construct the bridge.  

And now it’s all ready.  The playground for the young people of Kudamaduwa, now and for many years to come.  

‘We will hold an avurudu uthsavaya there this year, after a pirith ceremony,’ Sujee said proudly.  

Many contributed in many ways; some with money, some with labor.  There were others who encouraged.  Sometimes it would be a matter of knowing someone who would help in some technical way.  Sometimes it was about giving food or tea to the man operating a backhoe machine they had hired for a few hours.  Sometimes it was just a thumbs up sign.  

Sujee insists ‘it is not about me, and I could never have done it by myself.  Everyone in the committee helped.  The haamuduruo  was always a tower of strength.’

If one were oblivious to things and processes in the community one would not know about the playground and nothing of the efforts expended to get it done.  Such a person would see Sujee as the guy as a barber.  A successful one, sure, for even those who leave the village for whatever reason come to him for a haircut; successful, always with a smile, a doer more than a talker.  

He smiles when we discuss politics, especially the forthcoming local government elections.  He is most certainly aware of what’s what in the village and in the country and that’s why he smiles, not cynically but with that quiet understanding of the mismatch between promise and delivery.


He had a simple theory: “hithai ekamuthukamai thiyenavanam karanna bari deyak naha…”  If there’s unity there’s nothing that can’t be done if you put your mind to it.  

Of the village, with the village and for the village. That’s what Sujeewa Pushpakumara Doloswala and his friends are all about.  The names will be forgotten in years to come, like we’ve forgotten the names of those who turned population in a people, a geography into a nation.  But it was never about names and glory.  It was always about community and things that last.  Doesn’t hurt to mention a name, now and then.  Like Sujeewa Pushpakumara Doloswala and others who truly own  and run the local government. 

The UNP’s heart, mind and other body parts

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There’s a pithy Sinhala saying that probably predates Sigmund Freud’s notion of the slip that reveals the deliberately concealed truth: කට බොරු කිව්වත් දිව බොරු කියන්නේ නෑ (even if the mouth lies, the tongue does not). So we are talking about mouths and tongues.  And we are talking about the United National Party (UNP).

The official campaign slogan of the UNP at the forthcoming local government elections is ‘ගම හදන ආණ්ඩුව’ (the government that develops the village). It implies of course that the UNP, for all of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s rhetoric to the contrary, has had enough of the Unity/Yahapalana arrangement with President Maithripala Sirisena and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). That however is incidental here.

What counts is what the mouth said and what the tongue betrayed. The tongue, in this case is the UNP’s mayoral candidate for Colombo, Rosy Senanayake.  

It is natural during election campaigns toss around promises and brag about services rendered to the particular electorate. I don’t have issue with that kind of thing. It is also natural to shoot one’s mouth and slip out something that says too much.  

Rosy has said a lot and one can argue has done a lot too. For example, she played a major role in getting legislation through to improve women’s representation. That’s Rosy. What about Rosy as a UNP candidate and an articulator of UNP policy and thinking?

There are two things she said that reveal a lot. First, she claimed that under the previous regime Hambantota got kiri and Colombo got kekiri, a clear play on an old JVP slogan on regional disparity ( කොළඹට කිරි අපට  කැකිරි). Then she said that Colombo is the heart of the United National Party.  

Now when did Colombo get kekiri and when was it denied kiri? Also, is Rosy saying that Hambantota and all other places apart from Colombo should get kekiri and nothing else? Only someone who is utterly ignorant of development gaps between Colombo and the rest of the country could make such a claim. As for Colombo getting kekiri, only someone with a very short memory and suffers from myopia could say something like that. 

If Colombo is pretty now then it was made of squalor before 2009. If by January 2015 Colombo got kiri by way of the analogy, then post-2015 it’s well on the road towards becoming a kekirilanthaya. 

How then are we to read Rosy’s angst? It can’t be about physical realities such as infrastructure and essential amenities. It is probably about who ruled the country and the city. It is about a class that was denied political-kiri for a long time. Yes, they were a kekiri-party. This is what’s being extrapolated into a skewed description of geographies.  

The second statement is an elaboration of this mindset.  Let’s repeat. Rosy says ‘Colombo is the heart of the party.’  Now let’s ask some questions.

If Colombo is the heart of the UNP, is Jaffna its jaw? Is Bowatte its bowels? Is Nivithigala its knee? Is Tholangamuwa its toenail? Is Anamaduwa its armpit? Is Buttala its buttocks? Is Rikillagaskada its wrist? Is Penideniya its pancreas? Is Nochchiyagama its nose? What is the UNP’s appendix, what is its kidney, what is its hard palette, where are its incisors, eyelashes, eardrum, knuckles, heel and foot? You can think hard about your electorate, which to most would their political heart, and ask what body part the UNP sees it as. 


Rosy reveals and how! Essentially the UNP cares only about Colombo and ‘Colombo’ is not a geographical location but a social class which, Rosy feels clearly, got political kekiri for a while after swimming in kiri for decades. The UNP sees anything that’s not ‘Colombo’ as dispensable, negligible or made for neglect. 


Whatever it is, it is not ‘heart’.  It’s lesser. That’s what the UNP brain says. It’s an ‘Us-First and Last’ kind of thinking.  And the ගම (village) is at best an afterthought. Condescending and humiliating, really. That’s Rosy’s tongue speaking the truth that the UNP-mouth dares not utter. Her tongue is the UNP’s mind.  The other body parts, obviously lesser in their eyes, would do well to take note.

එජාපයේ හදවත, හිත සහ වෙනත් අවයව

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පුංචි ඡන්දේට එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂය තොර ගත්ත සටන් පාඨය 'ගම හදන ආණ්ඩුව'.  මේකෙන් මුලින් ම කියවෙන්නේ ජනාධිපති මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන වත් ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය වත් 'යහපාලන'ආණ්ඩුවේ පාර්ශවකරුවන් නොවන බවයි.  ඒක වෙන කතාවක්.  කියන දේ වගේම නොකියන දෙයකුත් තියෙනවා.  සමහර අවස්ථා වලදී හංගන්න හදන දේ ඉස්මතු වෙනවා.  කට බොරු කිව්වත් දිව බොරු කියන්නේ නැහැ කියනවා වගේ.

කට එජාපයේ. දිව රෝසි ගේ.  එජාපයේ බොරුවේ තරමයි හැඩයයි රෝසිගේ ප්‍රකාශ වලින් පැහැදිලි වෙනවා. 

මුලින් කිව්වේ දුක්ගැනවිල්ලක්. පස්සේ කිව්වේ ආඩම්බරකාර කතාවක්.  දෙකම විමසමු.

'පහුගිය ආණ්ඩුව කාලේ හම්බන්තොට ට කිරි, කොළඹට කැකිරි,'රෝසි කිව්වේ දුකෙන් වගේ.  රෝසි නොකියා කියන්නේ මේකයි: හම්බන්තොට නෙවෙයි කොළඹ හැරුනම වෙන කොහේ වුනත් මිනිස්සු හැමදාම කැකිරි කෑවට කමක් නැහැ. එයාලට කිරි නැති වුනාටත් කමක් නෑ.  කොළඹට කිරි තියෙනවනම් ඇති.'

ඒත් ඇත්තටම කොළඹට පහුගිය ආණ්ඩුව දුන්නේ කැකිරි ද?  මට නම් පේන විදිහට කොළඹට හැමදාම කිරි ලැබුන.  කොළඹට ලැබෙන කිරි සප්ලයි එක ටිකක් එහා මෙහා වුනා නම් ඒ ප්‍රභාකරන් ට පින්සිද්ධ වෙන්නයි.  කොහොම වුනත් 2009 මැයි මාසෙන් පස්සේ නම් කොළඹට සුපිරි කාලයක් උදා වුනා.  කිරි ඕන තරම්...කැකිරි නැත්තට ම නැති තරම්! 2015 න් පස්සේ නම් ටිකක් අවුල් වුනා තමයි.  කිරි වගේම කැකිරිත් කොළඹට ලැබුනා.  ඒත් ඒවා රෝසිලාට පෙනුනේ නැහැ.     

එහෙනම් රෝසි මේ තටමන්නේ මොනවා කියන්නද?  මට හිතෙන්නේ මෙහෙම දෙයක් වෙන්න ඇති:

'කොළඹ කියන්නේ කොළඹම නෙවෙයි. කොළඹ කියල මම අදහස් කරන්නේ රටේ පාලන බලය.  ඒ බලය අහිමි වෙනකොට කොළඹක් නෑ වගේ. අපිත් නෑ වගේ.  එතකොට කොළඹ පෙන්නේ කැකිරි යායක් වගේ. කිරි බින්දුවක් වත් නැහැ වගේ.  අපට බැහැ හැමදාම කැකිරි-පක්ෂයක් වෙලා ඉන්න.  අපට ඕන ආයෙත් කිරි-පක්ෂයක් වෙන්න.  එතකොට කිරි ටික කොළඹ තියාගෙන කැකිරි වෙන පළාත්වලට බෙදන්න හෝ නොබෙදාම ඉන්න අපට තියෙන පූජනීය අයිතිය නැවතත් ලැබෙනවා.'   

එයාට තියෙන්නේ පැලැන්තියේ ප්‍රශ්නයක්.  පැලැන්තිය දේශපාලනය තුල කොන් වුන ප්‍රශ්නයක්.  මෙතැන තියෙන්නේ දුකක්. සාංකාවක්. ඒ හින්දමයි මේ වැලපිල්ල.  රෝසි ගේ දෙවෙනි ප්‍රකාශය මේ අදහස තහවුරු කරනවා.

රෝසි මෙහෙම කියල තියෙනවා: 'කොළඹ කියන්නේ එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ හෘදය වස්තුවයි.'මේක තමයි ආඩම්බරකාට කතාව.  මෙතන තමයි තියෙන්නේ රනිල් නොකියන, පක්ෂයක් හැටියට නොපිළිගන්න එනමුත් රනිල්ගෙත් පක්ෂයේත් ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය හරය. ඒක තමයි රෝසිගේ කියැවුණු ඇත්ත.

කොළඹ කියන්නේ එජාපයේ හෘදය වස්තුව නම් එජාපයේ බොක්ක බොක්කාවලද? එතකොට කිලිනොච්චිය කියන්නේ කිහිල්ල ද? මාපට ඇඟිල්ල මාපලගම ද? ආනමඩුව කියන්නේ ආමාශය ද? නිවිතිගල නියපොත්ත ද? නාඋල කියන්නේ නළල ද? බෙල්ලන්විල බෙල්ල ද? කොළඹ එජාපයේ හෘදයවස්තුව නම් අපේ ගම එජාපයේ මොකද්ද? විලුඹ ද, නාභිය ද, මවිල් ගසක් ද, ඉන්නෙක් ද?

ඔය වගේ ප්‍රශ්න ගණනාවක් අහන්න පුළුවන්.  ඒ හැම ප්‍රශ්නෙටම හිනා යන උත්තර ගොඩාක් තියෙන්නත් පුළුවන්.  ඒත් රෝසි කියනනේ හරිම සරල දෙයක්:

එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂෙට වැදගත් වෙන්නේ කොළඹ විතරයි.  'ගම'කියන්නේ සටන් පාඨයකට එකතු කරන්න සිද්ධ වෙන දෙයක්, කාලෙන් කාලෙට.  ගම අවශේෂයි. ගම අවුල්. ගම අදාලම නැහැ.  කිරි-කැකිරි ගැන භූගෝලය ගැන වත් රට තුල පවතින විෂමතා ගැන වත් ශිෂ්‍යත්ව පන්තියේ ළමයෙක් තරම් වත් දැනුමක් නැති විදිහට රෝසි දොඩන්නේ මේ නිසා කියල අනුමාන කරන්න පුළුවන්. 

එහෙමයි එජාපය හිතන්නේ.  කොළොඹ තමයි එක.  ඒකෙ දෙකක් නැහැ එයාල ට. මෙතන කොළඹ කියන්නේ නගර සභාව ට අයිති භූමිය ම නෙවෙයි.  කොළඹ කියල එයාල දකින්නේ දේශපාලන බලයයි. වෙන මොකක්වත් නෙවෙයි.  තමන්ගේ පැලැන්තිය දිනවන, පැලැන්තියේ පැවැත්ම තහවුරු වන සමාජ දේශපාලන, ආර්ථික වටපිටාවට වෙන්න ඕන රෝසි 'කොළඹ'කියල කියන්නේ. 

ගම අදාල නැති පක්ෂයකට 'ගම හදන ආණ්ඩුව අපි ය'කියල කියන්න අයිතියක් නැහැ. කොළඹ නොවන සියලු පළාත් වල ට හදගැස්මක් තියෙනවා නම් ඒක රෝසි ට වත් රනිල් ට වත් ඇහෙන්න විදිහක් නැහැ.  එහෙම හෘදස්පන්දනයක් තියෙන්න නම් හදවතක් තියෙන්න ඕන. ඒත් හදවත තියෙන්නේ කොළඹ.  වෙන තැන් වල සෙසු අවශේෂ අවයව, එජාපයේ අවධානයට ලක් නොවන. නෝ හදවත් ඔන්ලි අනවශ්‍ය පාට්ස්.   

ඔන්න ඕක තමයි රනිල් නොකිව්වත්, පක්ෂය නොපිළිගත්තත් රෝසි හෙළිදරව් කරන එජාපයේ දේශපාලන දැක්මේ හරය සහ හෘදස්පන්දනය.

මේ බව කිසිම සැකයක් ඉතුරු නොවන විදිහට පහදලා දුන්නට රෝසි සේනානායක ට බොහොම පිං! 

A surrealistic encounter with Pablo Neruda

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A random email from a stranger inquiring about a Sri Lankan Chilean took me to an article I had written 14 years ago.  The stranger sent me a link, which was what had prompted the email in the first place. I had forgotten all about it.  Pablo Neruda brought together Eda Cleary, a Chilean and me, a Sri Lankan.  Common love for his poetry brought us to common ground, one might say.   Anyway, here's what I wrote, an account of a tribute to that great earth-poet born in Chile, a poet of love and of course a poet of the people, Pablo Neruda.


It was around ten years ago that I first browsed through Neruda's 'Memoirs.' I looked for and found the book in the Peradeniya library. I just wanted to read about his time in 'Ceylon'. It was all too brief, I recall. The browsing, I mean.

But two weeks ago, my sister gifted me a new edition of the poet's biographical musings. It did not strike me, as I allowed Neruda to walk me through his life, his oceans and continents, roots and sorrows, his roads and encounters, as I traced the tapestry these threads wove, that June 11, 2004 would be his birth centennial.

I knew this only last Sunday, the 10th, when I saw a newspaper notice announcing a celebration of sorts organised by the ICES (International Centre for Ethnic Studies). The commemoration was to include an address by Tissa Abeysekera, a recitation of Neruda's poetry and the Italian film 'II Postino' directed by Michael Radford. I went. I heard and saw. I was floored by it all.

Senake Bandaranayake chaired the proceedings. He sketched Neruda's life for us and went a little overboard with it, I thought. The room, packed though it was, was nevertheless small. Those who came, one would have expected, knew enough about Neruda to be spared this.

But then again, I reasoned, anyone who was familiar with Neruda and was touched by his poetry naturally tends to lose track of trivial things such as time and proportion. A slide show of photographs of the young Neruda as diplomat in 'Ceylon', including his residence in Wellawatte, was an unexpected gift. It was well received.

Tissa came next, but I must come to him later, for Prof. Bandaranayake promised us that a Chilean Sri Lankan would also address us. Another unexpected "gift", I presume it was meant to be.

Roberto (I forget his last name) talked about Neruda. He educated us about the Latin American diplomatic traditions. He said that all students in Chile would be reading Neruda that day. Roberto, apparently, had been working for the World Bank "mission" in Sri Lanka. "What would Neruda have said?" I wondered. He did not speak about the World Bank. But he knew all about imperialism.

All about capitalism. He knew about the violence, the blood, the dismemberment and misery unleashed by these monsters. Neruda certainly would have had something to say to all those present. Bandaranayake clearly did not see any contradiction. Nothing in what he said about Roberto betrayed even a trace of irony, even though he did mouth some veiled misgivings about globalisation, the new name for capitalism.

I thought Tissa would have made the pertinent point, but then again, he himself seems to have, in his practice at least, evolved beyond Trotskyism's dogmatic trappings. Maybe he has evolved too much.

Tissa's piece was exquisite. He proved that his considerable work in film-making had in no way made him forget the great truth of Neruda's poetry: the word is no less visual in the matter of narration. It was a crafted and marvellously executed meditation that only someone who has allowed Neruda to become resident in his or her sensibilities and who has a superior ability to employ the word could deliver.

Like Neruda's work, Tissa's gathering and juxtaposition was not without political problems. He spent quite some time saluting his "mentor", Regi Siriwardena. A card carrying member of the LSSP bowing low to a communist is certainly worthy of comment, but I believe Tissa consciously or unconsciously demonstrated that the ideological baggage of Trotskyism sits light on his mind. Since Neruda has clearly touched him, this should not come as a surprise.

Neruda, an ardent communist himself, and a defender of Stalin and Stalinism, did after all entertain doubts, both about Stalinism and Soviet dogmatism in the arts. He was a communist who did not see a contradiction between his internationalism and his fervent nationalism, his patriotic love of and nostalgia for his native Chile. Neruda, especially towards the latter part of his life, became a root-seeker and his search for humanity's sacred congealing elements became more nuanced. As he moved with greater fidelity to the import of history, event and personality, he refused to be entrapped in Marxism's doctrinal binds, especially its culture-blindness.

The recitation. The selection was thin in that the Captain's Verses is a collection wherein there is only a sip from the wide waters of Neruda's range of subjects. Neruda describes the book, written while in exile, as "a book of love, passionate but also painful," containing his love for Matilde Urrutia, his wife, homesickness for Chile, and the passions of social consciousness.

The political side is present more as a shadow and an absence. The selection from the Internet did nothing to compensate either, for, unfortunately, Neruda lovers in cyberspace know him almost exclusively through the film. 'II Postino' and the typical search takes you to many websites carrying the poem that comes just before the credits. "It was at that time that poetry came to me..." Sandra Fernando gave a competent performance, dramatic without compromising the music of nuance.

The film came next. Bandaranayake thought it important that the audience be warned of what he believed was the injustice done by the film to Neruda's political sentiments and indeed the pride and passion with which he carried and articulated his political concerns. Introductions and explications of something creative before the reader can get his or her hands on the creation, generally put me off.

To begin with, II Postino is not a documentary on the poet and was never marketed as such. It does not even matter in the end, for, as the postman himself points out, "poetry does not belong to those who write it, but to those who need it." Bandaranayake ought to know that such needs are eminently subjective.

Speaking strictly for myself, I found nothing in the film that contradicted Neruda's deep concern with the human condition. Indeed, I could not help thinking, as they showed how the police waded into a communist rally, which resulted in the death of our hero, Mario Ruoppolo the postman, this is what the World Bank does everyday to people whose hands Neruda relentlessly sought in his poetic and political lives, so inseparable from one another. The politics does not have to arrive with a shout, holding a banner.

There are softer ways, as or more effective.

Neruda was born one hundred years ago. Garcia Marquez was correct when he said that Neruda was a King Midas of literature, that whatever he touched turned into poetry and that even when his poetry got him into murky ideological waters, it contained the glorious quality of rising above it all simply on account of its poetic splendour. He was that good.

In the long twentieth century that has passed, his love and poetry has travelled far and wide, and among its many residences, ironically, is the ICES, ideologically so problematic and out of sync with Neruda's anti-fascist and anti-imperialist sensibilities, for reasons I have articulated elsewhere. Takes nothing away from the man.

And nothing from his poetry either. Or his love of life. Which is why, I believe, I do not cringe when I say, "Thank you ICES". Especially for inviting Tissa Abeysekera to let us borrow his discerning eyes to see Pablo Neruda. It was, all in all, an elegant tribute.

First published on July 18, 2004 in the Sunday Observer

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Local Government Elections: There are no lesser evils

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Cartoon by Gihan de Chickera
The major political parties are poor.  Their poverty is clearly indicated by the fact that all of them, without exception, are using the language of default option.  We hear sentences beginning with ‘at least,’ as in ‘at least now there are no white van abductions,’ or ‘at least then we had development’.  We hear tired pleas such as ‘vote for the known devil,’ ‘support the party,’ ‘we may not be the best, but we are better than those other people,’ and of course the ever-popular default, ‘the lesser evil.’

The logic is simple and simplistic: since there are no saints, we might as well opt for the best of the bad lot.  That’s one way of seeing it.  Here’s another: there are no competent parties or candidates so let’s pick the less incompetent one.  And this: all these fellows are rogues, so let’s choose the pickpocket instead of the big time swindlers.  

The parties are poor, then.  Is the voter poverty-stricken too, though?  What is the value that the voter places on his or her vote?  Does it come with a lesser-evil tag or one that says ‘known devil’ where ‘known’ is taken to be proxy for loyalty?  Is that what responsible citizenship has come down to?  What then of self-respect, dignity and honor?  

Let’s survey the field.  Let’s begin with the United National Party.  Let’s leave aside the jokes about google balloons, free wifi and Volkswagen factories.  Let’s forget the good-governance lie.  All lesser-evil notions were effectively dismissed by the Central Bank Bond issue scam.  That’s what counts.  The crooks were aided and abetted.  They were defended, protected and rewarded by the UNP leadership.  We don’t have to even talk about ‘lesser crimes’ such as nepotism, abuse of state resources and patronage-politics, the choice is simple: do you want to endorse, taint your vote and compromise your self-respect?

The Sri Lanka Freedom Party went along with all this.  Even with reduced powers courtesy the 19th Amendment, President Maithripala Sirisena could have acted.  He twiddled his thumbs so to speak.  Nepotism, abuse of state resources, insulting the voter by taking into Parliament through the National List those rejected by the voters, ridiculous statements, rank incompetence on multiple counts outweigh last minute ‘action,’ clearly politically motivated, to bring to book wrongdoers.  Again, a simple question: do you want to endorse, taint your vote and compromise your self-respect? 

Together, these two parties have not only betrayed the trust placed on them by the majority of the voters to put things right.  Indeed they have by crimes of commission and omission turned ‘good governance’ into a cuss word. They are unabashedly corrupt, utterly incompetent and absolutely clueless about governance, forget the ‘good’ version of it.

The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna has used these developments to its advantage.  They have been afforded the out of dismissing charges against them. ‘Those who robbed the Central Bank don’t have the right to talk about our wrongs!’  True, but the voter has the right to talk about wrongs done by all parties, now as well as then.  That the yahapalanists took chapters out of the previous regime’s book is not a cause for celebration by the SLPP nor a justification of all the wrongs they are guilty of.  There was theft, padding the bank accounts of the near and dear, gross abuse of power, tinkering with the constitution for personal gain and other crimes which deny the leadership the right to cry foul over the misdeeds of the UNP and SLFP.  There has been no remorse whatsoever about any of these things.  A simple question, then: do you want to endorse, taint your vote and compromise your self-respect?

There’s the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna.  This party has shamelessly buttressed all the above political formations at one time or another.  They too have blood on their hands.  They still use strong-arm tactics on political foes in universities and other places where they enjoy power.  They have endorsed and backed the corrupt and incompetent.  That’s it.  Do you want to endorse, taint your vote and compromise your self-respect?

What then? Who, then? There’s a neat answer that all these parties use: vote for the individual, forget the party.  The individual, ladies and gentlemen, is in the pocket of the party.  The local government body is in the pocket of the particular party leader.  And we know how obnoxious party leaders and parties are.  

An independent?  Well, you could try that, but my hunch is that independents who win will be purchased and fast immediately after the election.

Where does that leave us?  Quite alone I’m afraid come to think of it.  Bottom line: we can’t trust any of these parties. We don’t have the luxury of playing relative merits. ‘Lesser evil’ is not an option, let’s not fool ourselves.  If we vote for ‘the known devil’ then we are essentially saying ‘I am fine with devilry!’  Is that who we are or who we want to be?

Ideally, the ballot paper should have a default option: ‘None of the above!’  Unfortunately it does not.  

I can’t speak for others.  I value my self-respect. I will stay home. 

Malinda Seneviratne is a freelance writer. malindasenevi@gmail.com

ගම සුජීලගේ, ගම හදන්නෙත් සුජීලා හොඳේ?

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ගමේ නම කුඩමාදූව. තියෙන්නේ කොට්ටාවයි පිලියන්දලයි අතර.  ගමේ ළමයින්ට සහ තරුණයින්ට සෙල්ලම් කරන්න තැනක් තිබුනේ නැහැ.  එයාල සෙල්ලම් කෙරුවේ පන්සල් වත්තේ නැත්තම් රබර් වතු වල.  ලස්සනට අවුරුදු උත්සවයක් වත් කරන්න තැනක් තිබුනේ නැහැ.  

සුජී කියල තමයි එයාට හැමෝම කිව්වේ.  නම සුජීව පුෂ්පකුමාර දොළොස්වල. ගමේ සැලූන් එක කරන්නේ සුජී.  සුජී ට වගේම ගමේ අනෙක් තරුණයින්ටත් ක්‍රීඩා පිටියක් අවශ්‍ය වුනා.  ඉඩම් තිබුන ට අයිතිකරුවන් ඒවාට මිලියන් ගණන් ඉල්ලුවා. 

පන්සලේ ලොකු හාමුදුරුවෝ, කලවැල්ලාරාගම චන්දානන්ද ස්වාමීන් වහන්සේ සුජීලට කිව්වේ හැමෝම එකතු වෙලා පිළිවෙලකට මේක කරන්න කියල යි.  සුජීලා පත්‍රිකාවක් මුද්‍රණය කරලා බෙදුවා. හැමෝම පන්සලට කැඳෙව්වා . ඉතින් කුඩමාදුව ක්‍රීඩා සමාජය නිලධාරීන් තෝරලා අරමුදලක් පටන් ගත්ත. ගමේ අය සල්ලි එකතු කලාට රුපියල් 20,000 යි එකතු වුනේ.  දේශපාලනඥයින්  ට  කිව්වට කිසිම දෙයක් කෙරුවේ නැහැ.  

"ගමේ මී හරක් බලාගන්න ඉන්දික දවසක් කිව්වා අත්හැරලා තියෙන කුඹුරක් විකුනන්නනවා කියල.  විකුනනවා කිව්වට අයිතිකාරයා මුලින් අදිමදි කෙරුව.  සුජීලා හාමුදුරුවොත් එක්ක ගිහින් අයිතිකාරයාව වැඩේට කැමති කර ගත්තා.  ගමේම ඉන්න නීතීඥ මහත්තයෙක් ඔප්පුවේ අවුල් නිරවුල් කරන්න ඉදිරිපත් වුනා.  මිනින්දෝරුවෙක් අල්ලාගෙන ඉඩම මැන ගත්තා.  ආයෙත් සල්ලි එකතු කරන්න පටන්ගත්ත.  ඉඩම මිලදී ගත්තා. ඒත් ඉඩම සකස් කරන්න තව ලොකු ගානක් හොයන්න වුනා."

සුජී විස්තර කෙරුවේ එහෙමයි.  මහා ඇමති දවසක් ඇවිත් මිලියන 3ක් දෙන්න පොරොන්දු වෙලා තියෙනවා.  ගමෙන් සල්ලි එකතු කරන්න අවශ්‍ය නැහැ කියලත් එතුමා කියල තියෙනවා.  ඒ වුනාට අවසානයේ එයාගේ ලේකම් කියල තියෙන්නේ වැඩේ වෙන්නේ නැහැ කියලයි.  සුජීලා අසරණ වුනා.  ඒත් වැඩේ ඇත හරියේ නැහැ.  ටික කාලයක් යන්න දීලා ආයෙත් සල්ලි එකතු කරන්න පටන්ගත්තා.

"අපි ගෙයින් ගෙට ගියා.  සමහරු සැකෙන් බැලුව.  සමහරු බැන්නා. ඒත් බොහෝ දෙනෙක් උදව් කෙරුව,"සුජී එහෙමයි කියන්නේ.

පිට්ටනියට යන්න පාරක් තිබුනේ නැහැ මුලින්.  ඒක හදාගන්නත් තව ඉඩමකින් පර්චස් ගණනක් ගන්න සිද්ධ වුනා.  ඉඩමට පිවිසෙන්න පාලමක් හදා ගන්නත් ඕන වුනා.  සජීලා සරුංගල් උළෙලක් සංවිධානය කරලා ඒකෙන් ලැබුන ආදායමෙන් ඒ වැඩෙත් කර ගත්තා. 

ගමේ හැමෝම වගේ උදව් කෙරුව.  සල්ලි දුන්නා.  උපදෙස් දුන්නා. තාක්ෂණික කාරණා විසඳගන්න අදාළ දැනුම තියෙන අයව සම්බන්ධ කරලා දුන්නා.  ඩෝසර් කරන්න ආව අයට කෑම හදල දුන්න.  තේ හදල දුන්නා.  විශේෂයෙන්ම ලොකු හාමුදුරුවෝ දිගටම සුජීලව උනන්දු කෙරුව.  හාමුදුරුවෝ ලොකු ශක්තියක් වුනා. 

දැන් වැඩේ අවසන්.  

"අපි මේ පාර පිරිතකුත් කියල අවුරුදු උත්සවය තියන්නේ අපේම ග්‍රවුන්ඩ් එකේ,"සුජී ආඩම්බරයෙන් කිව්වා.  
ඒත් සුජී ම කියන විදිහට මේක සුජී ගේ වැඩක් නෙවෙයි.  මුළු ගමේම වැඩක්.  ගම විසින්, ගම සමග, ගම සඳහා කරපු වැඩක්.  තව අවුරුදු ගානක් ගියාට පස්සේ කුඩමාදුව ට ක්‍රීඩා පිටියක් ලැබුනේ කොහොමද කියල කවුරුවත් දන්නේ නැතිවෙයි.  එහෙම තමයි වෙන්නේ.  ඇතැම් විට කව්රුහරි කියයි අහවල් ඇමති තුමා තමයි මේ වැඩේ කරලා දුන්නේ කියල.  ඒවා එහෙම තමයි සිද්ධ වෙන්නේ.  

ඒ කොහොම වුනත් පරම්පරා ගානකට සෙල්ලම් කරන්න, උත්සව පවත්වන්න තැනක් තියෙනවා.  ගම කාටවත් දෙන්න අවශ්‍ය නැහැ.  ගම්මු හිඟන්නෝ නෙවෙයි.  

සුජී කියන විදිහට වෙන්න ඕනේ පොඩි දෙයක්: "එකමුතු කමයි උවමනාවයි තියෙනවා නම් අපට කරන්න බැරි දෙයක් නැහැ!"  එහෙම කිව්වේ අඩි හප්පලා මහා හඬින් නෙවෙයි.  පුංචි සිනහවක් එක්ක හීන් හඬින්. ඒ සුජී ගේ හැටි.  ඒ ගමේ මිනිස්සුන්ගේ විදිහ. 

ගම අයිති සුජීලට.  ගම කරන්නෙත් හදන්නෙත් සුජීලමයි.  එච්චරයි. 

"මගේ ඇස අග" තීරුවේ තවත් ලිපි"

The cockeyed and absurd claims about Ranil’s economic expertise

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Shyamon Jayasinghe, in an article published in the Colombo Telegraph (‘The political tug-o-war in Sri Lanka is cockeyed and absurd: only Ranil talks of economic goals’) dwells on the ‘dooshanaya-discourse’ or the ‘discussion on corruption.’  Shyamon makes an interesting observation:

“One never observes any printed or online media that tries to balance the imbalance and put things in perspective. They take some side or the other in the dooshanaya vs dooshanaya battle.”

He rightfully berates Maithripala Sirisena for talking as though corruption was something that the President discovered just the other day.  He then ridicules, quite rightly, ‘the Rajapaksa clan’ for attacking the ruling party of the dooshanaya disease.  The Rajapaksas, he claims, are the main proponents of dooshanaya.

That’s it.  Nothing of the United National Party. Nothing of Ranil Wickremesinghe. it is as though he would have us believe that there has been no dooshanaya whatsoever post January 8, 2015.  Instead, he claims he is bored by dooshanaya talk.  Interestingly, after these charges and silences, Shyamon laments that he never observes ‘any printed or online media [trying] to balance the imbalance and put things in perspective.’

The reason is not hard to understand, for he then proceeds to sing the praises of Ranil Wickremesinghe.  Objective much, one must say (tongue in cheek of course!).  

Let’s fill in some blanks here.  The biggest heist ever that has been associated with the Central Bank happened under Ranil Wickremesinghe’s watch. The man at the centre of the scam is not only a personal friend, but one who has at best an iffy track record when one considers his stint as BoI Chairman when Wickremesinghe was Prime Minister (2001-2004).  He was and is Ranil’s man.  Wickremesinghe defended Arjuna Mahendran even after it became apparent that there had been hanky-panky involving Arjuna Mahendra and his son-in-law Arjun Aloysius.  When the COPE report on the Central Bank bond issue was about to be published, Ranil, through his new found friend Sirisena, got Parliament dissolved. 

Ranil went further.  He took control of the Finance Minister and continued to defend Mahendran.  The UNP’s Deputy Leader, Ravi Karunanayake was implicated, later.  Both disgraced men were rewarded and ‘looked after’ by Wickremesinghe by way of appointments conferred subsequent to them being moved out of their jobs. The fall guy, as they say, is taken care of by the real crook.  

Anyway, Shyamon is bored of dhooshanaya talk.  After leaving out an important part of the dhooshanaya story, he wants us to believe that Ranil Wickremesinghe and Ranil Wickremesinghe alone thinks of ‘The Economy.’  He takes care not to talk about the one tangible economic goal that was secured: the mega bucks his friends made over the last three years. Sri Lanka has slipped in the Corruption Index under Ranil Wickremesinghe’s watch and you can’t just point fingers at Maithripala because they are a thick-as-thieves in this, literally and metaphorically .

To put things in perspective and as a hint regarding what probably happened, the party that couldn’t pay the electricity bill of Sirikotha in 2014 ran a massively expensive election campaign in August 2015 and is currently doling out billions for the local government election.  Talk about having an eye on economic goals, eh?

Instead he talks of positives as per his obviously blind faith in neoliberal economic policies: 

Foreign direct investment is impressive debt management and fiscal management is improving and the economy is slowly looking up. PM goes all over the world on economic missions with little gratitude from even the President who now says he will take over the running of the economy!

Let’s not talk about google balloons, Volkswagen factories and free wifi.  Let’s talk facts.

Waruna Singappuli, in an article published in the Daily FT on February 7 titled ‘Economic policy: are we down the wrong lane?’ gives the data that Shyamon doesn’t seem to be aware of or else ignores altogether in the brain-freeze that seems to creep in when talking about the United National Party and Ranil Wickremesinghe. 



The Central Bank figures indicate, as Singappuli points out, that GDP growth has been ‘anaemic,’ being less than 5% over the past two years.  It is predicted that the 2017 figures would probably be lower than 4%, ‘the lowest growth since the war ended in 2009.’  Per Capita GDP is stagnant, the numbers show.  




How about the ‘impressive debt management’ that Shyamon talks of? Well, Singappuli, quoting Central Bank figures, demonstrates that ‘in absolute terms the total Government debt has increased by 39% from Rs 7,391 Bn at the end of 2014 to Rs 10,269 Bn by September 2017.  The Debt to GDP ratio, he points out, has gone up from 71% at end 2014 to 79% in September 2017. Singappuli puts it down to poor economic growth.  The policy of boosting government revenue by increasing taxes hasn’t worked, he says.  While acknowledging that tax hikes are not necessarily the only reason for weak growth, it is a key factor, Singappuli adds. 

He goes on to offer options.  I shall not repeat his cogent arguments.  The article can be found here.  

FDIs (calculated without borrowings) stood at US $ 1,685 Mn in 2014, came down to US $ 1,160 Mn in 2015, dropped further to US $ 1,079 Mn in 2016 and went up to US $1,630 Mn (projected) in 2017 thanks of course to China.   The 'sharp rise' in 2017 is from Chinese investment which accounted for 35% of FDIs to Sri Lanka in 2017 (until September) according to the Ministry of Development Strategies and International Trade. The Chinese ‘slice’ for 2017 is predicted to be in the region of  US $ 1.36 billion.  So much for the 'efforts' of Wickremesinghe and the UNP!

Yes, China.  Since Shyamon talks of the globe-trotting genius prime minister that we have, let’s elaborate.  This genius and his party lambasted China for years during the previous regime. It gambled on the West, convinced that the US and Europe would help out.  They had forgotten that China and Japan own North American and European debt.  The wide-eyed wonder of wonders who in Shyamon’s eyes can do no wrong suddenly woke up when Brexit happened.  Out of the blue, the man says, ‘we are planning to look East’.  What’s this ‘East’?  China!  So much for ‘going all over the world on economic missions’!  And we are supposed to say ‘thank you Ranil’?  

The economy is not looking up. It can’t when the handlers are navel-gazing and seem to believe that they were mandated to do nothing else than blame the previous regime for present ills. That and lining the pockets of the near and dear.

‘Cockeyed and absurd claims,’ yes.  And there’s nothing more cockeyed and absurd than claiming that Ranil knows a helluva lot about the economy.  Note: talking of economic goals is one thing, delivering is something totally different.  



And sails and anchors there will always be...

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This is about a comment on a photograph and not of the one above.  It was a family photograph of a father with his two sons and  his only daughter.  The daughter lived abroad. One of the sons posted the photograph on Facebook, commenting that he missed his sister and their late mother very much.  

The sister responded with this: ‘We are adrift, in many ways, and must find our sails and our anchors however we can. She gave us both. Even though sometimes her sails were her tears and her anchors were her rage. Or vice versa.’  

Nice analogy.  There are always sails available but they are not always used. Some are good, some not. Sometimes the winds are fortuitous, but sometimes they just die on us.  Not everyone knows how to use sails.  Some actually don’t even realize that they have sails.  It’s the same with anchors.  You got to realize you have them and you need to know when to drop them.  

There are all kinds of sails and anchors.  There can can be all kinds of sails because there are all kinds of vessels and all kinds of winds.  It also depends on destination and therefore direction.  There are also random sails, those which don’t come with a map and destination.

We don’t think of life in these terms usually, but if we are a bit imaginative we could turn most anything into a sail.  A poem, a song or even a line from a verse. A word even, yes.  A feeling can be the wind that allows us to move as we tag ourselves to a word-sail. 

A degree is a sail.  Determination. Empathy. A cardboard box and the flavor of pomegranate.  A telephone line and a data card.  The sentence lost in the explosion of urgency.  A thin stream of moonlight that has escaped the clutches of the trees.  The flight path of a balloon.  A blade of grass, a drop of dew and its inevitable capture by the sun.  Any of these and a lot more else can take you on wonderful journeys.  Put another way, you can turn a lot of things into sails if you really wanted to.

Anchors are different.  They are limiting factors.  They don’t forbid movement but they nevertheless guard against straying.  Anchors are heavy.  They are for stability. They speak to confidence, offer clarity and ensure steadiness in unclear situations. 

Mothers do that. Fathers too.  Books that we cherish, philosophies that make sense and unforgettable films.  They can at times be sails but they can also be anchors.  It’s about fundamentals.  

Years ago, addressing the assembly in his alma mater after being a member of the team representing Sri Lanka in her first Test, Ranjan Madugalle made an anchor-observation.  No, he didn’t use the word but that’s what it was all about.

‘There are times when I am out of form, when I keep getting out the same way.  That’s when I go back to my fundamentals such as the stance, the back-lift and keeping bat and pad together when playing a defensive stroke.’

He used the analogy to talk about life in general, about straying too far and into uncharted waters, losing one’s way and not knowing what to do.  He talked about going to basics, returning to precepts and recalling values.  Such things. Anchors.

The anchors and sails of mothers are qualitatively different though. ‘Sometimes her sails were her tears and her anchors were her rage,’ that was the observation.  It can be interpreted in multiple ways, but both anchor and sail in this case were wrought and stitched using the raw materials of the heart.  There was tenderness in both.  There was always tension, the push of urging exploration and pursuit of dreams and the pull of concern and fear.  And so no one really got lost even though they traveled far.  

And now, even though there are no tears and there is no rage, there is memory and lesson inscribed on heart and mind. They are proxy sails and proxy anchors which she knowingly or unknowingly but tenderly crafted. That’s empowerment.

This all began with a family photo and it's the one given below.  It's made of a father, his two sons and only daughter.  It's framed by an absence.  An absence that is present as always as both anchor and sail.






Malinda Seneviratne is a freelance writer. malindasenevi@gmail.com

The back of the mind and the bottom line

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Angelo De Silva is my neighbor.  He’s a friend and a brother. Today (February 12) is his birthday. I called to wish him. 

‘All the best, good health and good times as you turn 27,’ I said.

Angelo has a lovely sense of humor. He is witty. His witticism is sometimes laced with vulgarity. The bawdiness would come later in the conversation. He laughed and said ‘I think machang you were using the President’s formula to calculate my age. You were a bit off. I am actually a few years younger!’

It was my turn to laugh. 

Neighbors though we are, Angelo and I don’t meet often. Times, walls, roads and a hundred other things get in the way. But when we do meet, we talk about life, our kids, our fears for them, the joys they give and how lovely it is that both our families appreciate trees. 

His house is at a higher elevation and it’s from there that I get the full view of our garden. I never knew it was so green until I saw it from Angelo’s house. Angelo, for his part, is appreciative because in the midst of dozens of houses ours is a rare patch of green.  

So we talked about not seeing each other often as we should, made plans to meet up, and talked about the election results. 

We named names, but that’s not relevant here. I was thinking of the gap between word and deed, the things said and the things unsaid, what’s apparent and what’s hidden. I talked about things ‘at the back of their minds,’ and Angelo quickly interjected, ‘you mean the minds of their backs?’

We laughed. It was an interesting turn of phrase and I told him that he had given me an idea to write about. I expressed to him (and to myself) a word of caution: ‘people might get the wrong idea.’  Angelo is kind and had a lot of confidence in my ability: ‘you’ll be able to write it in some other way.’

I was thinking about it, but then creativity aside I had just spoken to some school children at a workshop on journalism, extolling the importance of truth and accuracy in reporting. I had also alerted them to the dictum ‘facts are sacred, comment free.’ That, now, seems an escape clause, but then again there is a bigger gateway, something that the Vice Principal of my school told me 35 years ago, ‘do what you think is right whether or not the world appreciates.’  

On the other hand journalists always operate within sets of rules, said and unsaid. And so we craft or locate the things that need to be said in places permissible or decorate in such a way that the frill distracts and allows the ‘unspeakable’ to be spoken.  

But yes, it seems that some people and who knows maybe all people or the vast majority use ‘minds of theirs backs.’  And it’s not only when it comes to elections. It’s not only when it comes to governance, which is what Angelo and I were talking about.  

Tad vulgar, though, and Angelo readily admitted. I told him that we should all be applauded as a citizenry for being able to laugh despite all the trials and tribulations that are such an integral part of our lives.  

‘Yes, as a nation we forgive ourselves all the time for electing those we do who we later reject and thereafter forgive ourselves once again for electing another set of the same kinds of people.’

We forgive our sins as we forgive those who sin against us, without waiting for divine approval or compassion.  And so we have survived insurrections and wars, bloodshed and brutality, white vans and tyre pyres, insults and humiliation, one corrupt and incompetent government after other incompetent and corrupt governments.  And we have retained enough life in our not so divine lives to laugh about it all.  

And be a tad vulgar about it too.

‘Vulgarity is all we have,’ Angelo laughed.  

‘I’ll mention that too,’ I promised.

‘Please do, and since Valentine’s Day is a few days away you can say it from the bottom of your heart….or the heart of your bottom!’

My neighbor and I rarely meet.  He won’t be having a birthday party. ‘I’ll just go home after work,’ Angelo said. I said ‘If I do come that way (at a decent hour) I will drop by.’  ‘Please do and it doesn’t have to be on my birthday only,’ he said.

I am not sure I can make it. I don’t have a birthday present for my friend and brother. This must suffice and it will reach him only after the fact. He won’t mind. It’s from the bottom of my heart.

Malinda Seneviratne is a freelance writer. malindasenevi@gmail.com

මැතිවරණ ප්‍රතිඵල කියවීමේ මංගල සුත්‍රය සහ එහි දෝෂ

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මාධ්‍ය සහ මුදල් අමාත්‍ය මංගල සමරවීර කියන විදිහට පැරදිලා තියෙන්නේ මහින්ද.  තර්කය පදනම් වෙන්නේ පහත කරුණු මත. 2015 ජනවාරි ජනාධිපතිවරණයේ දී ඡන්ද ලක්ෂ 58කට ආසන්න ප්‍රමාණයක් මහින්දට වැටුනට පොහොට්ටුව ට පුංචි ඡන්දේ දී වැටුනේ ඡන්ද ලක්ෂ 49.5 ක් පමණයි. මංගල කියන විදිහට ලක්ෂ 61ක් (55.3%ක්) ඡන්ද පොළ ට ගියේ මහින්දට විරුද්ධ ව ඡන්දේ දෙන්නයි.

මංගලගේ මේ අපූරු ගණිත ක්‍රමය එජාපයටත් මෛත්‍රිපාල සිරිසේන නායකත්වය දෙන ශ්‍රීලංනිපයට ත් (එක්සත් ජනතා නිදහස් සන්ධානය ලෙස තරඟ කල ආසනත් මෙතැනදී 'ශ්‍රීලංනිපය'ලෙස හඳුන්වමි) ආදේශ කරමු. එහම ගන්නකොට 2015 අගෝස්තුවේ  ලක්ෂ 51 වූ එජාප ඡන්ද පදනම ලක්ෂ 36 දක්වා අඩුවෙලා. මෛත්‍රිපාල ගේ ඡන්ද පදනම ලක්ෂ 62 සිට ලක්ෂ 15 දක්වා අඩුවෙලා. ලක්ෂ 74ක් එජාපයට විරුද්ධවත්, ලක්ෂ 95ක් ශ්‍රීලංනිපයට විරුද්ධවත් ඡන්දය පාවිච්චි කරලයි තියෙන්නේ.  ඒ කියන්නේ 77.37%ක් එජාපය ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරලා තියෙනවා, 86.62%ක් මෛත්‍රිපාලවත් ශ්‍රීලංනිපයත් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරලා තියෙනවා.  උණ ගැනෙන සංඛ්‍යා මේවා!  

2015 මහා මැතිවරණයේ දිනු දිස්ත්‍රික්ක වලින් එජාපය කොළඹ, ගම්පහ, මහනුවර, මාතලේ, ත්‍රිකුණාමලය, පුත්තලම, පොලොන්නරුව සහ කෑගල්ල පැරදිලයි තියෙන්නේ.  නුවරඑළිය දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ ඡන්ද පදනම 59.1% සිට 37.3% දක්වා අඩු වෙලා. බදුල්ලේ  එජාප ඡන්ද පදනම 54.8% සිට 32% දක්වා අඩුවෙලා. පැරදුන දිස්ත්‍රික්ක වල 25%ක් වගේ ප්‍රමාණයක් තමයි ලැබිල තියෙන්නේ. එජාපය දිනලා තියෙන්නේ දිගාමඩුල්ල යි නුවර එළියයි විතරයි.  දිගාමඩුල්ලේ ලැබිල තියෙන්නේ සමස්ත ඡන්ද සංඛ්‍යාවෙන් 26%ක් විතරයි.  ජාතික මට්ටමේ ඔය තරම් වත් ප්‍රතිශතයක් වාර්තා කරන්න පුළුවන් වෙලා තියෙන්නේ සම්ප්‍රදායික බල කඳවුරු සුපුරුදු පරිදි විශිෂ්ට ලෙස ජයග්‍රහණය කරලා තියෙන නිසා.    

වෙන වෙනම තරඟ කරපු ජවිපෙත් ශ්‍රීලංනිපයත් එජාප  ගොඩ ට ගන්න පුළුවන් නම්, ශ්‍රීලංනිප ඡන්ද පොහොට්ටුවට එකතු කරන්නත් පුළුවන්.  මන්ද, පුංචි ඡන්දය ශ්‍රීලංනිපයේ අයිතිය පිලිබඳ විමසීමක් හැටියටත් දකින්න පුළුවන් නිසා.  එහෙම බලනකොට පොහොට්ටුව උඩින්ම දිනුම්.  බොහෝ විට ඉදිරි මැතිවරණ වලදී මෙය නිශ්චිත ව දැනගන්න පුළුවන් වෙයි. ඒ කියන්නේ පොහොට්ටුවේ ඡන්ද පදනමේ ප්‍රසාරණයක් බලාපොරොත්තු වෙන්න පුළුවන්.

2018 කියන්නේ 2015 නෙවෙයි. ශ්‍රීලංනිපය හේදිලා යන තත්ත්වයක් තුල මීළඟ මැතිවරණ වල දී පොහොට්ටුව ට මීටත් වඩා හොඳ ප්‍රතිඵල ලැබෙයි කියල අනුමාන කරන්න පුළුවන්.

ඒත් මංගල ට වගේම එජාපයේ ප්‍රබලයින්ට මේ ගණිතය තේරෙන්නේ නැහැ. එජාපය පැරදුනා කියල පිළිගන්න සමහර එජාප නායකයින් සහ පාක්ෂිකයින් කියන්නේ හොරු අල්ලපු නැති නිසා පැරදුනා කියල යි.  'හොරු'කියල අදහස් කරන්නේ රාජපක්ෂවරු.  එතකොට රාජපක්ෂලා හිරේ නොදැමීම ගැන කුපිත වුනු ඡන්දදායකයා කරලා තියෙන්නේ රාජපක්ෂවරු හා අනන්‍ය වුන පොහොට්ටුවට ඡන්දේ දීම.  මේ විදිහේ විහිළු සහගත විශ්ලේෂණ කරනවා නම් ඊළඟ මැතිවරණයේ මීටත් වඩා සොරි වෙනවා අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම.

හොරු අල්ලපු නැති එකලු පරාජයට හේතුව.  එතකොට එක්ටා ගිවිසුම? පෝට් සිටී එක? හම්බන්තොට වරාය? කරනවා කියල නොකරපු දේවල්? නොකරනවා කියල කරපු දේවල්? ඥාති සංග්‍රහය? රාජ්‍ය දේපල අවභාවිතා කිරීම? තක්කඩිකම්? හොරකම්? ජනතාව ප්‍රතික්ෂේප කරපු අය ජාතික ලැයිස්තුව හරහා පාර්ලිමේන්තුවට රිංගවීම? එතකොට මහා බැංකුව කොල්ල කෑවේ නැද්ද?  මේවා කිසි දෙයක් ඡන්දදායකයින්ට අදාළ වුනේ නැද්ද?

මංගල පිළිගන්න අකමැති ඇත්ත මේකයි. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂව පරාජය කරන්න එකතු වුනු බලවේග අද සීසීකඩ.  පුරවැසි බලය, අලුත් පරපුර වගේ සංවිධාන වෙච්ච දේ තේරුම් ගන්න බැරුව මාධ්‍ය සාකච්ඡා වලවිකාර දොඩවනවා. 2015 ජනවාරි මැතිවරණයට එකතුවුන බලවේග අද වෙන වෙනම යි ගමන් කරන්නේ. එදා වගේ අදත් අත්වැල් බැඳගෙන ඉන්නවා කියල හිතන එකත් එහෙම විශ්වාස කරගෙන මැතිවරණ ප්‍රතිඵල විශ්ලේෂණය කරන එකත් විහිළුසහගතයි.   

ඡන්ද ප්‍රතිඵල දිස්ත්‍රික්ක වශයෙන් බැලුවහම හිතාගන්න පුළුවන් පැවැත්වුයේ මහා මැතිවරණයක් නම් සිදුවන දේ.  පොහොට්ටුවට ලැබෙන ඡන්ද ගණන අනුව, බෝනස් ආසනත් සමග අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම පාර්ලිමේන්තු බහුතරයක් ලැබෙනවා.  අලුත් ක්‍රමයට පැවැත්වුවා නම් ආසන බර ප්‍රමාණයකින් පොහොට්ටුව දිනනවා.  

ඉතින් මංගලගේ සරල ගණිතය සරල විතරක් නෙවෙයි සාවද්‍යයි.  පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ සංයුතිය පොදුවේ රටේ ජනතා කැමැත්තට ගැලපෙන්නේ නැහැ. පටහැනියි.  19 වැනි ව්‍යවස්ථා සංශෝධනයේ වගන්තිවල පිහිටෙන් ජනතා තීන්දුව ට එරෙහි වෙනවා නම් එය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදී සාරධර්ම වලට පටහැනි වෙනවා.  කල යුත්තේ 19 වැනි සංශෝධනයට විශේෂ වගන්තියක් එකතු කරමින් පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවා හරින එක යි.  

කෙටියෙන්, යහපාලන ආණ්ඩුවට මේ වනවිට ජන වරමක් නැහැ රට පාලනය කරන්න.  තව දුරටත් ආණ්ඩු බලය තියාගෙන ඉන්න සදාචාර අයිතියකුත් නැහැ.  
ඒ වුනාට දෙකේ පන්තියේ ළමයෙක් තරම් වත් ගණන් බැරි අයට ඔය සදාචාර ප්‍රශ්න නෑ.  මුලින්ම ගණන වැරදුනා කියල පිළිගන්න අවශ්‍යයි.  

වැඩේ මේකයි.  රටේ බහුතරයකට ගණන් පුළුවන්.  එජාපයටත්, මංගලටත්, රනිල්ටත් වැරදුණේත්, ඉදිරියටත් වරදින්නේ ත් ඒ නිසයි.  මෛත්‍රී ගැනත් ඔච්චරයි කියන්න තියෙන්නේ.  2014 දී මහින්ද ට වැරදුනේ ත් ඔය විදිහටමයි. ඒ වුනාට මනුස්සයා නම් කාට හරි කියල ගණන් ටිකක් ඉගෙන ගෙන වගේ.  

මෙතන රට පාලනය කල යුත්තේ මහින්ද ද නැත්තම් මහින්ද හොඳට රට පාලනය කරයි ද නැද්ද වගේ ප්‍රශ්න අදාළ නැහැ.  
කොහොම වුනත් මේ ආණ්ඩුව අවුට්. අවුට් ඔෆ් ඕඩර්.  එජාප-ශ්‍රීලංනිප සන්ධානය ෆේල්.   

Mandate lost: no two words about it

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Mahinda Rajapaksa, after losing the Presidential Election, making his now infamous from-the-window speech, blamed it ‘on the Tamils’.  It was a crass, knee-jerk conclusion which was racist and a complete disavowal of his own and significant flaws.  He has since sobered up.  

Maybe the United National Party (UNP) will also sober up soon.  It’s to their advantage to do so.  Right now, it is apparent that the UNP is punch-drunk and even more incoherent than usual. ‘Even more’ because lack of clarity on multiple issues has been the hallmark of the UNP-led regime.  

While some dismayed UNPers have called for Ranil Wickremesinghe’s blood, others have looked elsewhere to find reasons for the defeat.  For example, Wickremesinghe’s closest political associates have pointed the finger at President Maithripala Sirisena. The UNP couldn’t really implement its economic policy, they argue.  

So one might say that there is some self-reflection happening.  What is strange however is that some stalwarts are blaming the defeat on the Government not putting Mahinda Rajapaksa, his brothers, sons and close friends behind bars.  This means that either people didn’t want the Rajapaksas incarcerated or that was a non-issue for them or else they rewarded the Rajapaksas because, damn it, the UNP-SLFP yahapalana regime didn’t put them behind bars!  

It’s as if a trail of broken campaign promises didn’t count.  ECTA didn’t matter, neither did the sale of Hambantota. Constitutional jugglery starting from the flawed 19th Amendment which allowed for a bloated cabinet didn’t count.  Attempts to smuggle in a federal constitution was a non-factor. Nepotism starting with the President with the Prime Minister and several cabinet ministers was forgotten.  And no, the Central Bank bond scam just did not happen!  This is what these people want us to believe.  The truth is that the professionals and academics as well as staunch believers in the good-governance pledge got disillusioned with the regime pretty fast.  

Still, Mangala Samaraweera and others will not believe it. Indeed, they believe the UNP won!  According to Mangala, 6.1 million people (55.3%) had ‘marched to the polls and voted against a return to the Rajapaksa rule'. He says that whereas Mahinda Rajapaksa commanded 5.77 million votes in January 2015, he couldn’t even muster 4.95 million votes this time.

The numbers are correct. The interpretation silly. Sorry, stupid. Reminds one of that old line about falsehoods and forces me to add to it thus: ‘there are lies, damned lies, statistics and Mangala Samaraweera’.  

Let’s apply Mangala’s logic to his party and that of the President.  We could conclude that roughly 7.4 million and a whopping 9.5 million marched to the polls to vote against the UNP and SLFP/UPFA respectively. How Mangala interprets the following facts only he would know, but these are numbers that ought to rouse the UNP from its deep stupor. 

The UNP vote declined from 5.1 million in August 2015 to just 3.6 million on February 10, 2018 which is a loss of around 1.5 million votes.  The UNP’s vote share fell from 45.7% in August 2015 to 32.63% or more than 13 percentage points.  So, following Mangala, we can say that 77.37% have rejected the UNP and 86.62% have rejected Maithripala Sirisena and the SLFP/UPFA.  Happy?

If you take out the areas where the vast majority of voters are Tamils, the numbers should terrify the UNP.  The UNP lost the following districts which the party had secured in August 2015: Colombo, Gampaha, Kandy, Matale, Trincomalee, Puttalam, Polonnaruwa and Kegalle. The party retained Nuwara Eliya (down fro 59.1% to 37.3%), Digamadulla (down from 46% to 26%) and Badulla (down from 54.8% to 32%).  Where the UNP lost, it lost badly, securing around 25% of the vote. The ‘national’ figures are obviously boosted by the returns from strongholds where too there’s a decline in popularity indicated.  

The coalition that defeated Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2015 is no longer together. If they were, then one could not only add what each got but it is likely that they would have polled more than they actually did. T

his is undeniable: the UNP, SLFP and JVP contested SEPARATELY.  It is ridiculous to operate as though 2018 is 2015 and that the parties are united.  They are not. 

If this election was, among other things, a battle for the ownership of the SLFP then the party has gone to Mahinda Rajapaksa, one can conclude.  Using Mangala-logic, it can be argued that in subsequent elections the majority of those who voted for the SLFP/UPFA is more likely to go with the ‘pohottuwa’ than the ‘aliya’ not least of all because the UNP has all but ended the marriage with the President’s party.  Even if one were to split the SLFP/UPFA vote equally between the UNP and the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), the latter would gather close to 50% in some districts and well over 50% in most.  

If the numbers are used to apportion district gains assuming it was a General Election, then with the bonus seats coming into play the SLPP would have secured a majority of parliamentary seats.  If the system used at the February 10 election was employed, the vast majority of electorates would have been won by the SLPP.  Perhaps using such frames Mangala could calculate who marched for what and where they ended up.  Perhaps following the dictum ‘it’s good to hope for the best but expect the worst,’ Mangala could extrapolate this result onto the outcome of a general election where the SLFP/UPFA voters would vote for the SLPP en masse.  That would sober everyone up.  

As things stand, only those in the UNP who are in denial would find consolation in Mangala’s thesis on the local government election.  

I have no issue with delusion if it helps alleviate pain. What’s not pardonable is the distraction and deliberate fudging of political reality. 

The UNP-SLFP regime has been proven to be incompetent and found to be corrupt.  It was a vote of no-confidence on the regime; going even by Mangala’s Arithmetic more than half the total number that voted rejected the UNP-SLFP Unity Government.  The numbers in Parliament no longer reflect the sentiments of the electorate.  It is a travesty of justice to operate as though the people do not count. It is immoral to take refuge in the 19th Amendment’s provision for Parliament not to be dissolved before March 2020.  The numbers can be found to introduce a special clause to facilitate dissolution.   

The mandate has been lost and although Mangala and others feign to be at a loss to comprehend what has happened the fact has not been lost on the people.  No mandate. No legitimacy.  It is time to figure out a civilized exit strategy.  


Malinda Seneviratne is a freelance writer. malindasenevi@gmail.com. www.malindawords.blogspot.com

වැඩ්ඩන් ගේ ෂෝ වැඩම තමයි

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ලසිත් මාලිංග වැඩ්ඩෙක්. කතා දෙකක් නෑ. කොන්ඩේ පාට කරන්න කලිනුත් වැඩ්ඩෙක්, පස්සෙත් වැඩ්ඩෙක්.  දැන් නම් කොන්ඩේ පාට කළත් නොකළත් වැඩක් නැහැ.  එහෙම වෙනවා, විශේෂයෙන් වේග පන්දු යවන්නන්ට වයසට යනකොට.  කොහොම වුනත් මාලිංග ඉතිහාසගතවෙන්නේ වැඩ්ඩෙක් හැටියටයි.

මේවට නීති නෑ. වැඩ්ඩන්ට ෂෝ අකැප නෑ.  ෂෝ දාන අයට වැඩ බැහැ කියන්නත් බෑ.  වැඩ බැරි අයට ෂෝ දාන්න තහනම් නෑ. ඒ කෙසේ වෙතත් ෂෝ දැම්ම කියල වැඩ්ඩෙක් වෙන්නෙත් නෑ, ෂෝ කාරයෝ අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම වැඩ්ඩො වෙන්නෙත් නෑ.     

පරාක්‍රමබාහු රජ්ජුරුවෝ වැඩ්ඩෙක්. කතා දෙකක් නෑ. නිශ්ශංකමල්ල රජ්ජුරුවෝ ෂෝ වැඩ්ඩෙක්.  ඒ කියන්නේ එයාගේ තිබ්බේ වැඩ වලට වඩා ෂෝ එක. ප්‍රඩක්ට් එකක් නැති වුනත් ඇඩ් එක දැම්ම කෙනෙක්. වැඩ්ඩෙක් නෙවෙයි.    

දේශපාලනයේත් එහෙමමයි.  වැඩ්ඩො වගේම වැඩ බැරි අය ත් ෂෝ දානවා.  ෂෝ කාරයින් ට වෙන කරන්න දෙයක් නැති නිසා ෂෝ දානවා වෙන්න පුළුවන්, ඒත් වැඩ්ඩො ෂෝ දාන එක ටිකක් අවුල්. පරාක්‍රමබාහු රජ්ජුරුවෝ ෂෝ දැම්මද නැද්ද කියල හරියටම කියන්න බැරි වුනත් සංගක්කාර නම් ෂෝ දැම්මේ නැහැ.  මහේලගේ ෂෝ නෑ. තෙන්ඩුල්කාර්, රිකී පොන්ටිං, මයිකල් ක්ලාක්, චමින්ද වාස්, මුත්තයියා මුරලිදරන්, ශක් කලිස්, මයිකල් හෝල්ඩිං, ජෝන්ටි රෝඩ්ස් වගේ අයත් ඒවගේ.  වැඩම තමයි.  නෝ ෂෝ.     

ඇයි මෙහෙම වෙන්නේ?  ඉස්සරට වඩා දැන් කාලේ ෂෝ ඉල්ලන නිසා ද? වැඩ වල තියෙන ෂෝ එක ෂෝ වගේ දැනෙන්නේ නැති නිසා ද නැත්තම් මදි වගේ නිසාද?  එහෙමනම් ඉම්රාන් කාන්, වාසිම් අක්රම්, සුනිල් ගවස්කාර්, මයිකල් ජෝර්ඩන් වගේ අය දේවත්වයට පත්වුනේ කොහොමද? අර්ජුන රණතුංග වීරයෙක් වුනේ කොහොමද? අරවින්ද ද සිල්වා සංගක්කාර වගේම ඇඩ් වලින් සල්ලි හම්බ කරගත්ත තමයි, ඒත් අරවින්ද ගැන වගේම් සංගා ගැනත් අපට වැඩියෙන්ම මතක එයාල ප්‍රමෝට් කරපු සන්නාමය වත් වෙළඳ භාණ්ඩය වත් නෙවෙයි, ක්‍රිකට් ක්‍රීඩාව තුල එයාලගේ දක්ෂකම්.  මහේලත් එහෙමයි.  රංගන ත් එහෙමයි.  ඇඩ් වලට අමතරව තම තමන්ගේ 'කොන්ඩේ'පාට කරන්නවත් වනන්න වත් ගියේ නැහැ.   

කොන්ඩේ කියන්නේ කොන්ඩේම නෙවෙයි කියල කියන්න ඕනෙම නැහැ කියල හිතනවා.  අවශ්‍ය නම් 'කට-අවුට්'කියල කියන්නත් පුළුවන්. බෝක්කු වලට වගේම වැසිකිළි වලටත්, පාලම්ව ලටත්, ක්‍රීඩාගාර වලටත්, රඟහල් වලටත් 'පාට කරපු කොන්ඩේ'කියල කියන්න පුළුවන්.  

ජවහර්ලාල් නේරු මෙහෙම දෙයක් කියල තියෙනවා: මම ජීවත්ව ඉන්න කාලේ පිළිම හදන්න එපා; මන්ද මම හෙට මොන වගේ දේවල් කරයි ද කියල කියන්න බැරි නිසා.  ඒ කිව්වේ 'මගේ කොන්ඩේ පාට කරන්න එපා'කියල.  සමහට අවස්ථා වලදී එහෙමත් වෙනවා.  තමන් තමන්ගේ කොන්ඩේ පාට කරන්න අවශ්‍ය නැහැ. වෙන අය ඒක කරලා දෙනවා. 'එපා'කියල නොකියනවා නම් තමන් ම පාට කෙරුව වගේ තමයි.  ෂෝ දාන්නත් පුළුවන් තමන් වෙනුවෙන් කරන බොරු ෂෝ අනුමත කරන්නත් පුළුවන්. ටිකක් වෙනස් තමයි, ඒත් දෙකම 'වැඩ වලට ම කැපවීම'ට වඩා ගොඩාක් වෙනස්.     
 
රිකී පොන්ටිං ගෙන් දවසක් කවුදෝ අහල තියෙනවා එයාගේ සාර්ථකත්වයේ රහස මොකද්ද කියල.  පොන්ටිං මෙහෙම කියල තියෙනවා: මට එවන හැම පන්දුවකට ම මම ගෞරව කරනවා!'දැකුම්කලු හතරේ පාරක් ගැහුවම සතුටු වෙන්න පුළුවන් එත් ඒ 'හතරේ පහරේ ඇඩ් එක'හිතේ ඉතුරු වුනොත් ඊළඟ පන්දුවට මුහුණ දෙන්න අවශ්‍ය ඒකාග්‍රතාවය හීන වෙනවා.  බවුන්සර් පන්දුවකට හරියට මුහුණ දෙන්න බැරිවෙලා හෙල්මට් එකේ වැදුනොත් හිත කැළඹෙනවා තමයි. ඒ වුනාට හිතේ අමාරුව පහ කරගන්න බැරිවුනොත් ඊළඟ පන්දුව ට හොඳට මුහුණ දෙන්න අමාරු වෙනවා.  වෙන විදිහකට කියනවා නම් 'අට ලෝ දහමින් කම්පා නොවෙන්න ට්‍රයි කරන්න ඕන.'  කොණ්ඩා මෝස්‌තර වගේ ෂෝ වලින් කියවෙන්නේ ෆෝකස් අවුට් කියල යම් ප්‍රමාණයකට.  

ෆෝකස් එක ටිකක් අවුට් වුනාට හොඳට සෙල්ලම් කරන්න බැරි වෙන්නේ නැහැ. එත් පොන්ටිං කෙනෙක් වෙන්න බැහැ. සංගක්කාර කෙනෙක් වෙන්න බැහැ.  මුරලි වගේ පන්දු යවන්න බැහැ. වැඩ පුළුවන් වුනත් වැඩ්ඩෙක් ම වෙන්නේ නැහැ.  

ෂෝ වලින් පලුදු මැකෙන්නේ නැහැ. ඇඩ් එක මොනතරම් ලස්සන වුනත් ඩේල් ස්ටෙයින්ගේ  දරුණු පන්දු ඕවරයකට මුහුණ දෙන්න වෙන්නේ බැට් එකෙන්. කොන්ඩෙන් නෙවෙයි.  කොන්ඩේ පාටින් නෙවෙයි.  ෆෑන් ක්ලබ් එක විකට් එකට එන්නේ නැහැ. 'හදවතින් අපි විකට් එකේ'කියල පපුවට ගහගත්තත් බැට් කරන්න වෙන්නේ තනියම.  

මෝස්‌තර වලට කාව වුනත් උස්සගෙන යන්න පුළුවන් ටික දුරයි.  ෂෝ එක ඉවර වෙන වෙලාවක් තියෙනවා. ෂෝ එකෙන් කරන්න බැරි දේවල් තියෙනවා.  අන්තිමට ඉතුරුවෙන්නේ වැඩ.  වැඩම තමයි ෂෝ එක.      

ටක්-ටික්-ටුක්....වම්-දක්-වම්!

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මීට වසර 26 කට විතර ඉස්සර, ඒ කියන්නේ 1992 විතර, සමහරුන් විප්ලවවාදියෙක්, මාක්ස්වාදියෙක්, වාමාංශිකයෙක් කියල හිතාගෙන ඉන්න සුමනසිරි ලියනගේ අපූරු ප්‍රකාශයක් කෙරුව.  පේරාදෙණිය විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ ශාස්ත්‍ර පීඨයේ පැවැත්වූ දේශනයක තමයි සුමනසිරි සර් මෙහෙම කිව්වේ.

"වමයි දකුණයි අතර තියෙන්නේ එකම වෙනසයි -- වම හිතනවා වෙනසක් නෑ කියල, දකුණ හිතනවා වෙනසක් තියෙනවා කියල."

දේශනය අවසන් වෙලා ප්‍රශ්න අහන්න ඉඩ දුන්නා. ඔය වම-දකුණ කතාව සඳහන් කරලා මම මෙහෙම ඇහුවා: "ආචාර්යතුමා වමේ ද, දකුණේ ද?"

සුමනසිරි හිනා වුනා.  උත්තරයක් දුන්නේ නැහැ.

මේ දවස් වල ජනතා විමුක්ති පෙරමුණ ගැන සහ ඒ පක්ෂයේ අනාගතය ගැන දුක් වෙලා (ජවිපෙ නොවන) විවිධ අය ඉදිරිපත් කරන යෝජනා දැකලයි මට මේ කතාව මතක් වුනේ. ඒ එක්කම ඔය වගේම තවත් පක්ෂයක් ගැන දුක් වුන මගේ යාලුවෙක් කියපු දෙයක් මතක් වෙනවා.

මතක හැටියට විප්ලවවාදී කොමියුනිස්ට් සංගමය (විකොස) 'සමාජවාදී සමානාත්මතා පක්ෂය'හැටියට නම වෙනස් කරපු කාලේ. විජේ ඩයස් පේරාදෙණියේ කරපු දේශනයක් අවසානයේ තමයි ඒක සිද්ද වුනේ.  විකොස සමග යම් සම්බන්ධයක් තිබුන චාමින්ද හෙට්ටිආරච්චි විජේ ඩයස් 'සහෝදරයාට'මේ වගේ දෙයක් කිව්වා: 'සහෝදරයා කියන දේවල් හරි. ඒත් සහෝදරයාගේ පක්ෂයේ කිසිම අට්‍රැක්ශන් එකක් නැහැනේ!'

විජේ ඩයස් තරමක් තරහින් මේ විදිහට පිළිතුර දුන්නා: 'අට්‍රැක්ටිව් පක්ෂයක් හොයාගෙන යනවා! පක්ෂේ වැඩපිළිවෙල වෙනස් කරන්න ඕන නම්, පක්ෂෙට බැඳිලා මතවාදී අරගලයක් කරන්න.  උදව් කරන්න ඕන නම්, සල්ලි දෙන්න, දීලා යන්න!'

චාමින්ද තාමත් විකොසට සම්බන්ධ ඔය වගේ කතා ගැන හිනා වෙනවා.  ඒත් විජේ ඩයස් ගේ පිළිතුර හරි.

දැන් ජවිපෙට දැනමුතුකම් කියන අයත් ටිකක් චාමින්ද වගේ.   ජවිපෙට දේශපාලනයේ අයන්න අයන්න උගන්නන්න හදන අය කී දෙනෙක් ජවිපෙ ට සම්බන්ධ වෙලා තියෙනවද කියල මම දන්නේ නැහැ.  ඒ වුනාට මේ තියරි කාරයින්ගෙන් බොහොමයක මැතිවරණ සමයේ දේශපාලන භාවිතය හරිම සරලයි.  එයාල පුංචි ඡන්දයකදී (පළාත් පාලන, පළාත් සභා වගේ) 'ජවිපෙ ට දෙන්න'කියල අඬනවා. මහා ඡන්ද වලදී වැල්වටාරම් තියරි දාගෙන එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂ එක්ක හිටගන්නවා.  මහා ඡන්දේ ඉවර වුනාට පස්සේ 'වම ශක්තිමත් කරමු'කියාගෙන ආයෙත් ජවිපෙ 'හරි පාරට ගේන්න'තියරි හදනවා.  ඒක චක්‍රයක්.

චක්‍රය. ඕක තමයි හරිම වචනය.  වම-දකුණ කියන්නේ බොරුවක්.  එහෙම කියනකොට අපට මැවෙන්නේ සරල රේඛාවක අන්ත දෙකක්.  එතකොට වමයි දකුණයි එකිනෙකට ඈතින් පිහිටලා තියෙනවා වගෙයි හිතෙන්නේ.  ඒ වුනාට චක්‍රයක වමයි දකුණයි තියෙන්නේ ළඟ ළඟමයි. එහාට මෙහාට පනින්නත් එහෙන් මෙහෙන් සටන්පාඨ පික්පොකට් ගහන්නත් පහසුයි.  සාක්කුවේ වැටෙන එකත් (දැන හෝ නොදැන) අමාරුම නැහැ. 

අවසාන වශයෙන් තවත් පරණ කතාවක් ලියල මේ සටහන අවසන් කරන්නම්.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ පළාත් සභා මැතිවරණ මුලින්ම පැවැත්වූ යේ 1988 වසරේ.  ශ්‍රී ලංකා නිදහස් පක්ෂය මැතිවරණය වර්ජනය කෙරුව. ජවිපෙ ඒ කාලේ එජාප ආණ්ඩුව එක්ක ගල්කටස්-ටී56 සෙල්ලමට සූදානම් වෙනවා.  "හැම ඡන්දපොලකම මුලින්ම ඡන්දය දාන කෙනාට මරණය!"කියල විජේවීරලා නිවේදනයක් නිකුත් කරලයි තිබුනේ.  ඉතින් තරඟ කෙරුවේ එජාපයයි එක්සත් සමාජවාදී පෙරමුණ විතරයි (සුළු පක්ෂ සහ ස්වාධීන කණ්ඩායම් වලට අමතරව).  ලංකා සමසමාජ පක්ෂය, නව සමසමාජ පක්ෂය, කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂය වගේම ශ්‍රී ලංකා මහජන පක්ෂයත් තරඟ කෙරුවේ එක්සත් සමාජවාදී පෙරමුණෙන්. පක්ෂ ලකුණ පහන.  දින්නේ අලියා. 

ප්‍රතිඵල වල විශ්ලේෂණයක් මැතිවරණයට පස්සේ ලංකා ගාඩියන් සඟරාවේ (මතක හටියට) ලිපියක පල වුනා: "ආෆ්ට ද එලෙක්ෂන් ඩෙබකල් විච් වේ ෆෝ ද ලේෆ්ට් (මැතිවරණ පසුබසීමෙන් අනතුරුව වම කොයිබටද?)."ලියුම්කරු ගේ නම නම් මතක නැහැ.  ඊට දවස් කිහිපයකට පස්සේ ලිපියට පිළිතුරක් (මතක හැටියට) 'දි අයිලන්ඩ්'පුවත්පතේ පල වුනා.  මේකයි හෙඩිම: "ආෆ්ට ද එලෙක්ෂන් ඩෙබකල් විච් වේ ෆෝ ද ලේෆ්ට්? රයිට්!  (මැතිවරණ පසුබසීමෙන් අනතුරුව වම කොයිබටද? දකුණට!)."

ඒ කාලේ 'වම'කියල කිව්වේ එක්සත් සමාජවාදී පෙරමුණට.  ඒ කියන්නේ ලසසප, නසසප, මහජන පක්ෂෙට සහ කොමියුනිස්ට් පක්ෂෙට.  විකොස වාමාංශික පවුලට අයිති වුනාට ගණන් ගත්තේවත් නැහැ.  ජවිපෙ දැක්කේ 'ෆැසිස්ට්වාදී'සංවිධානයක් හැටියටයි.   කෙසේ වෙතත් කතාවේ පොඩි ඇත්තක් තිබුනා.  වාමාංශික සන්ධානය ඒ වෙනකොටත් එජාප මතයේ හිටියේ.  සමාජවාදී පෙරමුණෙන් 1988 ජනාධිපතිවරණයට ඉදිරිපත් වුන ඔසී අබේගුණසේකර 1989 දී නතර වුනේ එජාපයේ. 

අවුරුදු 30ක් ගතවෙලා පරණ ෆිල්ම් එකක අලුත් ව(ර්)ශන් එකක් තමයි මේ දවස් වල පෙන්නන්නේ.  වම ගැන දුක් වෙන, වම ගොඩගන්න දඟලන අයගෙන් අහන්න තියෙන්නේ සුමනසිරි ගෙන් මීට් අවුරුදු 26කට පෙර අහපු ප්‍රශ්නය මයි: 'ඔයාල වමේ ද දකුණේ ද?' 

එතකොට හිනාවෙයි (සුමනසිරි වගේ දේශපාලනික ව ටිකක් අවංක නම්). හිනාවුනාට උත්තරයක් දෙන එකක් නැහැ. නැත්තම් හොඳටම තරහ යයි. විජේ ඩයස් ට තරහ යනවා වගේ ම.  කොහොම වුනත් අවසානයේ මෙච්චරයි: දකුණ දකුනේමයි, වමත් දකුනේමයි.   


 

Dissolve or be dissolved

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Constitutions are not always made with good intention. Even when the intention is good the unexpected trumps the word. They are supposed to be documents of the ‘forever’ kind, but if one thing is certain it is the fact that the sum total of human knowledge is but a speck of dust compared to the universe of human ignorance. And so we have amendments, some pushed through to further narrow political and personal objectives and some to correct flaws showed up by unexpected developments.  

Those who authored the 19th Amendment were quite rightly seeking to reverse the anti-democratic 18th Amendment. They reintroduced term-limits, which was good. They restored and added to the 17th Amendment, i.e. the establishment of the Constitutional Council and independent commissions. 

They erred/subtracted when they wrote in the composition of the Constitutional Council.  They were narrow and self-seeking when they used the notion of a ‘National Government’  to get around the election promise of downsizing the cabinet.  And they didn’t anticipate the February 10th result, just as J.R. Jayewardene didn’t anticipate Sarath N Silva’s determination to enable crossovers or the sway that someone like Mahinda Rajapaksa could have in obtaining a two-thirds majority regardless of the outcome of a parliamentary election.

So what have we got now? In a word, confusion. We have a parliamentary composition that is at odds with the sentiments of the people. Throw in what was always an iffy union between two parties that are so alike but have been at each other’s throats for more than half a century and a pact that started coming apart even before the local government election, and it’s a bloody mess.

The unity-pact, so-called, expired on the 31st of December 2017. As such there is no formal agreement that gives credence to the notion of a ‘national government’ which, by the way, has been ill-defined in the 19th Amendment.  One might argue that the Cabinet has lost legitimacy.  

It is against all this that the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) mull their respective political futures. The UNP leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe claims that he has constitutional legitimacy. He has avoided speaking about the cabinet and in particular its size. Given the now openly admitted rift, his task would be to secure support from SLFPers not inclined to go along in a possible but uneasy and even dangerous alliance with the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). He can probably count on the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) not to side with his political opponents should there be a vote in Parliament.  

The leader of the SLFP, President Sirisena, indicating that he’s broken off the engagement with Wickremesinghe, has deployed loyalists to woo UNPers disenchanted with Wickremesinghe. Naturally, Sirisena has the harder task. Around 25 MPs would have to defect, provided of course that only around 7 or 8 would go over to the UNP and that the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) will back him.

His party ended a distant third behind the UNP and the SLPP. His political fortunes are on the wane, to put it politely.  To the extent that the local government election was also a contest about who owns the SLFP (it’s parliamentary group, members and supporters), it is clear that Mahinda Rajapaksa is the clear winner. The 1.5 million votes that the SLFP/UPFA received (just over 13% of the total votes cast) are more likely to gravitate to the SLPP rather than the UNP. 

Sirisena, then, is not in a position to demand. He could, however, keep things in limbo, hoping that it would feed discontent within the UNP, leading to Wickremesinghe being ousted. A long shot, though.

The SLPP is in a very strong position, in contrast. It is reported that the party’s de-facto leader, Mahinda Rajapaksa, who is also a ‘Senior Advisor’ of the SLFP, has indicated that the SLPP would support the SLFP if it manages to cobble together a working majority. The SLPP, it is reported, will not seek cabinet portfolios in such an eventuality. In effect the SLPP would hold the SLFP/UPFA as well as President Sirisena hostage, politically. In any case, the SLPP can step back and enjoy the bitter fight between the SLFP and the UNP for control of the government and indeed for political relevance at least in the short term.  

Whoever ends up in control will have to reduce the size of the cabinet to 30. Therefore loyalty would have to be purchased through means other than offering a portfolio. Few if any are in this for ideological reasons. Politically, there’s nothing attractive that either party can offer anyone from the other side. Since there is no provision for the dissolution of Parliament apart from the death, resignation and the rejection by Parliament of the government’s policy statement or budget, things may very well trudge along in this muddled manner until March 2019.  

While some UNPers have claimed that the election loss was because the party wasn’t allowed to implement its policies, rank incompetence and a blind-eye or complicity in monumental corruption cannot be ruled out as factors. Going solo is unlikely to change public perception regarding the party, especially since an embittered President can and probably will move on prosecuting those responsible for the Central Bank bond issue scam. An SLFP/UPFA government would find it even tougher given terribly reduced circumstances.

All things considered a dissolution of Parliament would be best at this point. Theoretically it is possible to obtain the two-thirds majority required to pass through enabling legislation. The immediate beneficiary would of course be the SLPP since it owns the political momentum following the unexpected and unprecedented victory at the local government elections. This could dissuade both the SLFP and UNP from considering such a course of action. 

The alternatives, however, could be worse. The more muddled and confused things are, and that’s what is reasonable to expect considering the track-record of the ‘Yahapalana’ government and the peculiar circumstances it finds itself in, the longer dissolution takes the worse would be the result. Rajapaksa and the SLPP can afford to wait, for they alone can continue to work at the grassroots mobilizing support for the cause of getting rid of a UNP-SLFP regime that doesn’t seem to know if it’s coming or going.  

Those who are blind to the recent and all-time track-records of the UNP and what’s left of the SLFP might shudder at the thought of Rajapaksa returning to power. The truth is there is little to choose between the UNP, SLFP and SLPP when it comes to corruption, power-abuse, thuggery and murder, unless of course one deliberately blocks out massive chunks of post-independence history.  

The argument for constitutional amendment (of the 19th) to enable dissolution stands not on such things but the simple fact of legitimate representation or rather the lack thereof. This Parliament, as the results of the local government election demonstrates beyond a shadow of doubt, is illegitimate. It does not reflect the popular sentiments of the people.  Its continuation amounts to a travesty of justice and a deference to everything that rebels against the spirit of democracy.  

The silence of the so-called progressives in certain NGO circles, ‘informed academics,’ political commentators and other activists on all this is deafening. 

Dissolution. That’s what needs to be agitated for. If nothing else, it would involve correcting a constitutional error in the 19th Amendment.  


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